Lavoisier and religion

Lavoisier "anti-clérical"?

Was Lavoisier a sceptical Enlightenment rationalist or (as a number of websites insist) a Christian believer? 

This is a difficult question to answer: in the his writings and in his many letters which have come down to us, there is almost no mention of religion. 

However, in October 1791 he penned the following tirade against clerical education:

Public education as it exists in almost the whole of Europe, has been set up not to form citizens but to produce priests, monks and theologians. The spirit of the Church has always opposed innovation, and because the first Christians spoke and prayed in Latin...it has been deemed necessary to pray in Latin to the end of time.  For this reason the European education system is almost entirely directed towards teaching Latin.

If one reviews the public acts, the thesis of metaphysics and ethics defended in the Colleges, one sees that they are only an introduction to theology, that theology is the highest form of knowledge, which shapes whole education system. 

The only goal of public education is to form priests.  For a long time the Colleges were open only to those who studied for the priesthood.  Since an ecclesiastical career led to honour and fortune, the catholic nations were naturally divided into two classes: ecclesiastics, who had all the instruction and the illiterate who formed almost all the rest of the nation.   This is how, at first by chance, and then by strategy, all the  means to destroy errors and prejudices was concentrated in the hands of those who had an interest in propagating them.

This era, composed of sixteen centuries almost entirely lost to reason and philosophy, during which the progress of the human mind was almost entirely suspended, where often there were retrograde steps, will always be remarkable in the history of humanity, and one must judge how great will be those in the eyes of posterity who have overturned these antique monuments of ignorance and barbarism.

Introduction to Lavoisier's Reflections on the Plan for Public Instruction presented by M. Talleyrand-Perigord. 

First published in James Guillaume,  Procés verbaux du Comité d'Instruction publique (1894), vol.2, Introduction p. lxiii-lix.
https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k29289p/f62.item

This uncharacteristically forthright piece prefaces a long manuscript which Lavoisier prepared for Talleyrand. The latter had unsuccessfully presented a plan for public education to the Constituent Assembly just days before it adjourned.  The new Legislative then almost immediately created a Committee on Public Education which asked Talleyrand to revise and publish his report.  He  initially consulted Laplace, Monge, Condorcet Vicq d'Azyr and La Harpe, then submitted his second version to Lavoisier, asking for a response within eight days; "I would be most grateful if you would show great severity and tell me frankly what you find displeasing about this lengthy work". Lavoisier replied conscientiously, but in the event Talleyrand chose not to modify his report further and Lavoisier's work remained unpublished.  Lavoisier was later to elaborate his ideas on technical education in his Réflexions sur l'instruction publique, presented to the Convention on behalf of the Bureau de Consultation des Arts et Métiers in September 1793.

Lavoisier - The Republic has no need for scientists?

La république n'a pas besoin de savants et de chimistes; le cours de la justice ne peut être suspendu
[The Republic has no need of savants and chemists.  Justice must run its course.]

This Revolutionary condemnation of scientific endeavour is so notorious that the geneticist and writer Steve Jones used it for the title of his book on late 18th-century science (No Need for Geniuses: Revolutionary Science in the Age of the Guillotine. Little, Brown, 2016).  

However, there is no convincing evidence that it was ever really said.  It is yet another example of a small distortion of the historical record which has resulted in significant misrepresentations.

The dictum was supposedly delivered at the trial of Lavoisier and his fellow Farmers-General by the Revolutionary Tribunal on 8th May 1794.  Lavoisier had asked for a stay of execution in order to finish a scientific project. The speaker was variously identified as the Vice-President of the Tribunal, Jean-Baptiste Coffinhal,  his colleague René-François Dumas, or even Fouquier-Tinville himself.

The trial of Lavoisier - 19th-century engraving from Louis Figuier's Vies des savants illustres.

Lavoisier, Revolutionary: 4. The unravelling

Engraving of Lavoisier by M.R.G. Brossard presented to the Institut de France in 1806.
 Grimaux identified this portrait as a last image made during Lavoisier's imprisonment.
   However, in an accompanying letter of dedication, the artist explains that the work was done from memory on the basis of previous sketches.  
See Beretta, Imaging a career in science (2001), p.12-14.

Lavoisier in 1790-91

In late 1789 order was temporarily restored in Paris and the work of national reconstruction could begin.  Despite the ambiguities of his personal position as a Farmer-General,  Lavoisier was a natural member of the new liberal élite and  his financial and administrative expertise were much in demand. 

In 1789-91 we see Lavoisier take his place in Revolutionary Paris, resume his social position and continue to play a prominent role in the international scientific community. :

Although denied a place in the Assembly, he was active in the administration of Paris. 

In September 1789 he was elected to the reconstituted Commune of Paris as one of the five representatives for the district of Saint-Louis-la-Culture.  His colleagues, besides Lafayette and Bailly, included Condorcet, Antoine Laurent de Jussieu and other members of the Academy of Sciences;   Louis Lefèvre-Gineau, Professor at the Collège  de France,  the chemist Demachy and the Farmer General Duvaucel. When the Civic, later National, Guard was formed, Lavoisier was enrolled in the section for the Arsenal.

Lavoisier, Revolutionary: 3. A letter to Franklin (1790)

 There was no denying Lavoisier had a close call in 1789; he can have been left in little doubt that his personal position remained vulnerable. Nonetheless, by early 1790 the cause of Constitutional monarchy seemed to be triumphant. The spectre of popular revolution had receded and power appeared safely consolidated in the hands of Lavoisier's friends and allies.  He looked forward to the work of national regeneration which lay ahead.

A rare piece of evidence as to Lavoisier's state of mind at this time is provided by a letter dated 2nd February 1790 written to Benjamin Franklin. Lavoisier informs his illustrious correspondent that the Revolution has succeeded but expresses regret that popular armed intervention had been necessary.  One sense a certain unease: 

After telling you about what is happening in chemistry, it would be appropriate to give you news of our political revolution. We look upon it as successfully and irreversibly accomplished. The aristocratic party still exists and offers some useless resistance, but it is evidently the weaker.  The democratic party is in the majority and is supported by the educated, philosophically-minded, and enlightened members of the nation.

Persons of moderate opinion, who kept their sang-froid during the general excitement,  think that circumstances have carried us too far. They consider it very unfortunate that we were compelled to arm the people and all the citizens.  It is not good political practice  to allow the employment of force by those whose role is to obey.  It is to be feared that the new constitution will be obstructed by the very people for whose benefit it was created.... We greatly regret your absence from France at this time; you would have been our guide and would have marked out for us the boundaries that we should not cross.

Translation from the Edinburgh Review (1890), p.98  ["Even while announcing to Franklin, the "successful and irreversible accomplishment" of the political revolution in France, it is plain that Lavoisier was troubled, in his view of the rising sun of democracy, by some vapour of misgiving..."]

Lavoisier, Revolutionary: 2. Explosive situations (1789)

François Louis Brossard de Beaulieu, or Marie-Renée-Geneviève Brossard de Beaulieu, 
 Portrait of a man, presumed to be Lavoisier, in the uniform of Inspecteur général des poudres and holding  a Leyden jar. (1784)  Musée de Versailles
http://collections.chateauversailles.fr/#ecc08042-f0d9-4e5a-8605-244736877204
See Beretta, Imaging a career in science p.10-13.

In  July 1789, as one of the directors of the Régie des poudres et salpêtres - the state gunpowder monopoly - , Lavoisier quite literally faced an explosive situation. The Petit-Arsenal, which housed the gunpowder warehouse, stood immediately adjacent to the Bastille.

The Plan Turgot shows clearly this area of Paris, with the looming walls of the old fortress and the twin complexes of the Grand and Petit Arsenal.  To the right, on the Seine, occupying the site of the present quai des Celestins, was the Port-St. Paul which handled cargoes to and from the Arsenal.   The entrance gate to the Petit Arsenal, was at the end of the rue de la Ceriseraie.

Gunpowder had not been actually  manufactured at the Arsenal for a long time.  The main function of the Grand Arsenal, with its five courtyards, overlooking the river, was to accommodate the marquis d'Argenson's magnificent library.  The Petit Arsenal, however,  housed the offices of the Régie and  served as a gunpowder warehouse.  From 1775 onwards Lavoisier had occupied a private apartment here, which accommodated his extensive library, and a huge laboratory in the attic.  His apparatus had soon proliferated in adjoining sheds and warehouses. The exact location is not known (See Beretta, 2022 for all the available details) 

Lavoisier, Revolutionary: 1. the Estates-General (1788-89)

•  We shall, therefore, not take as our guide what our fathers did, for they were wrong; we shall not travel along the road of ancient abuses; the time of enlightenment has come and we must now speak the language of reason and claim those human rights that are inalienable
• Happiness ought not to be confined to a small number of men; it belongs to all.  

                                                                                                                             Antoine Lavoisier            

                                                                                                    

The opening act of the Revolution found Lavoisier, in his mid 40s, at the height of both his international scientific reputation and his influence in government circles.  A first opportunity for him to further his ideas for economic improvement on a large scale came in 1787 when Calonne revived Turgot's provincial assemblies.  Lavoisier became a leading member of the new Assembly of Orléanais, which opened with great  ceremony in September 1787.   He was designated as representative of the Third Estate, even though he was technically a noble. We see him spearheading a sweeping programme of proposed reforms aimed at greater economic freedom and fiscal equality.  [For details, see particularly the chapter in McKie, Lavoisier (1953) , p.231-49.].

Lavoisier welcomed  the calling of the Estates General as a means to further his aims: the Nation is too enlightened, he wrote to his colleagues in Orléans, not to act in the interests of the majority: "if  it is allowable to make exceptions in favour of any class, especially with regard to taxes, it can only be in favour of the poor." (quoted McKie, p.291).

Lavoisier at Freschines

The château de Freschines at Villefrancoeur, twenty kilometres north of Blois, once belonged to Lavoisier. This fine 18th-century mansion is yet another historic French property which has  recently been happily preserved for posterity. Having served for forty years as a  psychiatric hospital, the house was put on the market in January 2013.  It stood empty and neglected for a further six years until 2019, when it was finally rescued by the Austrian architect Elisabeth Herring.  It has since been opened as an Airbnb so, for a (relatively) modest price, you can actually go and stay there.  As the video below shows, the ongoing restoration is a labour of love.  The atmosphere is stylish but relaxed, mostly 18th-century in inspiration, but with a few quirky mementos of the house's long years as an asylum.

Military drummers - the music

From time immemorial, the world of the French infantryman, whether in camp, at drill, or in the heat of battle, had been punctuated by the rhythmn of drums.  The  primary function of the drums was to transmit orders through a series of  set duty-calls, the  "batteries d’ordonnance" (the cavalry similarly had its trumpets and timpani).   During manoeuvres, the rhythm of the drum served to regulate step and would often be accompanied by simple tunes on the fife, or oboe (hautboi).   

Given the highly personalised command of the Ancien Régime army, the organisation of military drummers was far from uniform.  A typical Regimental "batterie" consisted of a dozen drummers under  the direction of the Drum-Major (Tambour-Major), seconded by a Drum-Master (later Drum-Corporal). Drummers were selected from among the ordinary soldiers,  with  the Drum-Major and Corporal ranking as non-commissioned officers. 

On the parade ground the drummers would normally take up position on the flanks;  on the march some would be  posted at the front of the column and the others bring up the rear.

Watteau, Three studies of a military drummer, 1713, Frick Collection
https://www.frick.org/exhibitions/watteau/225

The Drummer of Arcole

André Estienne,  the "drummer of Arcole", was singled out for particular official recognition, in the Empire, and later under the July Monarchy.  The young volunteer from Cadenet in the Vaucluse distinguished himself at the Battle of Arcole in the First Coalition War, on 16th November 1796, when, as drummer of the 51st Demi-Brigade of the Line, he swam across the river Alpone at the front of his battalion, his drum on his head, and momentarily rallied Bonaparte's discouraged troops to attack the Austrians on the far bank.

"Honneur aux Braves" - André Estienne, the Tambour d'Arcole crosses the river (15th Nov. 1796)
- 19th-century illustration by Pierre Méjanel

The drummer boy Pierre Bayle

  

How can one lack strength, replied the young hero, 

when one may usefully serve one's country?

Unlike other child heroes of the First Republic, the drummer boy Pierre Bayle had to wait over two hundred years to be remembered.  It was only in 2006 that he was formally recognised as "the youngest combatant to die in battle since the formation of the French Republic" (a sad epithet that...). 

The case provides an  interesting insight into the dynamics of commemoration in modern France.  

Youthful heroes - "statuemanie"

Ruffier's busts of Bara and Viala - copies on display at the Musée de la Révolution française, Vizille.

As Jean-Clément Martin has emphasised, the young heroes of the Republic were lost to view for much of the 19th century.  The public cult of Bara and Viala disappeared abruptly from daily life after 10 Thermidor: Viala was openly discredited in the Convention, whilst Bara was simply forgotten along with  other Republicans engaged in the War in the Vendée.  There was also little artistic interest. David's Bara languished in his studio, politically tainted and, in any case, too beautiful and disturbing for a martial age. David d'Angers's Bara, sculpted in 1838,  was generally admired, but was regarded as  part of a  series of great figures of the past rather than an explicit commemoration of the Revolution (See J.-C.M, "Bara, de l'imaginaire révolutionnaire à la mémoire nationale", (1996), para 38)

This state of neglect was to be reversed only with the advent of the Third Republic. This was the great age of French public commemoration; indeed, the great left-wing historian Maurice Aguilhon coined the term  "statuemanie" to describe the late 19th-century proliferation of monuments and memorials.  The aim was both a revalidation of the Revolutionary legacy and a renewal of emphasis on heroes "of the people". The move to revitalise patriotic education, put in motion by the Ferry laws of 1881-82, placed the celebration of juvenile heroes at a particular premium.  

More juvenile heroes - Mermet

 

To 19th-century French schoolchildren the death of 16-year-old Jean-Baptiste Mermet alongside his father in the Vendée in 1794 was a familiar episode. It was notably popularised by the educationalist Étienne Charavay in his 1882 book Enfants de la République, where Mermet features alongside Bara, Viala and the Tambour Stroh in the roll of patriotic juvenile heroes.  Charavay and his readers prized Mermet particularly as an example of filial devotion. (According to a study by François Wartelle, youthful displays of aggression were beginning to fall from favour by the 1890s; in 1895 Ernest Lavisse was to drop Stroh from his primary school manual).

In reality, as usual, almost nothing is known for certain about the young man or the circumstances of his death.

More juvenile heroes - Derudder

"Le Jeune Darrudder", 1793. Engraving by Charles-Melchior Descourtis after Joseph Swebach Desfontaines 
https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b8412228q?rk=42918;4

"The action of the young Darrudder, aged 14, is a example of bravery and a display of filial piety. During the affair of Fougere [sic], he saw his father killed at his side, snatched his pistol from his belt, fired on the murderer, blew his brains out, then continued to beat the charge against the brigands until they were completely routed. This worthy follower of Vialas and Baras is offered as a model to the pupils of the École de Mars, by the Representatives of the People who admitted him to this school and bestowed on him a fraternal accolade in the midst of applause and great shows of joy."

As Jean-Clément Martin has remarked, without this fine engraving after the artist Joseph Swebach Desfontaines, the existence of "the Young Darrudder" (more properly "Derudder"), like that of so many who fought in the Vendée, would now be entirely forgotten.  His fate is also sometimes briefly recalled due to the warm response he elicited from Robespierre, which prefigured the latter's much more decisive intervention on behalf of Joseph Bara (see my previous post of  01/02/2023).

The Drummer Boy of Wattignies

"You are too small," said the sergeant to little Stroh, who had just enlisted under his country's colours.

The lad gave him the memorable reply:  "I will grow up fighting".

 According to legend "Tambour Stroh" or "Sthrau" was a young hero of the war on the Belgian frontier, killed at Dourlers on 15th October 1793 on the day preceding the French victory at Wattignies.  He is remembered today chiefly through two monuments by the 19th-century sculptor Léon Fagel,  a relief on the Wattignies monument in Maubeuge (1893) and a sculpture erected in the commune of Avesnes-sur-Helpe in 1905.

"Le Petit Tambour De Wattignies" illustration by Onfray de Bréville ("JOB") for Jean Richepin's book of patriotic poems for children Allons, enfants de la patrie (1920) 
https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k9734542n/f65.item 

For over half a century story of the "Tambour Stroh"  was the preserve of local folklore and soldiers' tales.  His existence rested on little more than an incoherent oral tradition and a half-remembered name.   He was mentioned in print for the first time only in 1850, in a local history by Zéphir Píerart,  to be followed, briefly but influentially, in 1853 by Michelet in volume 13 of  his history of the Revolution. In 1888, under the Third Republic, Émile Blémont lamented his neglect in his poem Wattignies. Despite the lack of information, his patriotic exploits passed into children's books: Étienne Charavay felt confident enough to include him with Bara and Viala in his Enfants de la République in 1882; and in 1888 the novelist Sixte Delorme produced a fictionalised account for young readers - quite a best seller if the number of copies available on ebay is anything to go by.

 In the 1890s  a concerted research effort was made in preparation for the inauguration of the memorial at Avesnes, which took place with considerable pomp in 1905 in the presence of the War Minister Bertaux.  A coherent narrative was pieced together for the occasion but in reality the exploits of "the Tambour Stroh" remained (and still remain) very uncertain. 

Viala(?) by Prud'hon(?)

Depictions of the boy-hero Viala are rare in art. This striking image, attributed to Pierre-Paul Prud'hon,  would  seem to owe more to  David's visions of the Revolutionary martyr than to later 19th-century realism. But is it really by Prud'hon and, more questionable still, does it really represent the feisty child-hero of Year II?

Pierre-Paul Prud'hon, "Death of Viala", Musée des Beaux-arts, Lyon.

Image on Wikimedia:  Supplied by user "Rama" as one of a set of accredited photographs from the Musée des Beaux-arts in Lyon.  

Paintings department, accession number 1966-13.  

Donated by the heirs of Emile Labeyrie in 1966. 

Taken on 27th April 2011.

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Death_of_Viala-Pierre-Paul_Prudhon-MBA_Lyon_1966-13-IMG_0455.jpg

The painting is from the collections of the Musée des Beaux-arts in Lyon. It pops up frequently on the internet, but almost all the images derive from a single photograph on Wikipedia / Wikimedia, taken in April 2011. The photographer, "Rama" kindly sent me an email to confirm that the work is indeed (or was) on display in the museum and that their annotation was taken from the museum label.  It is an oil painting; no dimensions are given.

I had some trouble finding further references. The picture is not included in either the museum's online catalogue or in the accessible extract from the Catalogue raisonné for the collection, published in 2014.  It is a  comparatively recent acquisition, given by the heirs of the politician Émile Labeyrie in 1966, with no earlier provenance available.  There are entries on the various commercial sites selling reproductions or digital images, but these add no new facts.  

Agricol Viala

 

"Joseph Agricole Vialla", 1793. Engraving by Charles-Melchior Descourtis after Joseph Swebach Desfontaines 
https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b69506180

In February 1794 Joseph Bara was belatedly compelled to share the laurels of the Republic with a second, even more obscure, "child martyr", the splendidly-named Joseph-Agricol Viala.  

This Republican of thirteen years - even younger than Bara - had been killed in Avignon seven months previously attempting to cut the cable of a ferry that Federalist troops needed to cross the River Durance and take the town.  

An encounter with David's "Bara"

An interesting perspective on David's Death of Bara was provided by the exhibition of the painting  held in  Avignon in 1989 as part of the bicentenary commemorations. Jean-Clément Martin described his reactions in an essay of 1990, updated for his 2012 book La machine à fantasmes.

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bara_David.jpg

EXHIBITION:  La mort de Bara.  De l'évenement au mythe.  Autour du tableau de Jacques-Louis David.  At Avignon, 18th January to 15 March 1989.  

J.-C.M. remarks that he remembered illustrations of Bara from his earliest schoolbooks and was confident and well-informed about the historical figure.  The exhibition was not held in the Musée Calvet, where David's picture is normally display,  but in the former Jesuit chapel in the rue de la République, now a Lapidary Museum.  Despite the busy main street outside, the church, with its Baroque facade, was an effective venue; the atmosphere of a silent grandeur encouraged a mood of contemplation and reflection. (The effect was only slightly marred by the prominence of an expanse of red netting under the roof.)

David's painting took central stage, enthroned in the middle of the chapel, on what was once the site of the altar.  Although he was very familiar with the image, Jean-Clément found himself taken by surprise:

Joseph Bara [cont.]

 

Early representations of Bara

The Spring of 1794 saw a veritable outpouring of prints and engravings on the subject of  Bara.  Among the prints from Year II are a number of ambitious narrative scenes, which recreated the specific circumstances of his death in as much detail as possible.  Of necessity, they rely on the testimony of Desmarres: the feisty soldier-boy  is depicted standing; he resists the bayonets of the rebel band which surrounds him. As well as his youth and virtue, the accompanying captions emphasise his martial qualities.  They usually repeat the dying words furnished by Robespierre,  although Desmarres's more robust version can sometimes be found.  Homage is also invariably paid to his support of his mother, a conventional virtuous act by the good Republican soldier. No-one seemed quite sure how old Bara really was - some versions (as the one below) have him as young as eleven.

"Death of the Young Barat" - anonymous print of 1794.
https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b8412073v

"This young Republican was surprised by Rebels. When called upon to cry "Long live the King", he replied only  "Long live the Republic!" and was stabbed multiple times by the brigands. This child of eleven, provided for his mother from his wages, and subsisted himself only on bread.

The Assembly, when it heard this reported, accorded him the honours of the Pantheon." 

Drawn and engraved by Philibert-Louis Debucourt, Paris, year II.

https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b8412072f

"Dedicated to Young Frenchmen

The entire army witnessed with astonishment Joseph Barra, equipped as a hussar, scarcely thirteen years of age, confront danger everyday, at the head of the cavalry; it once saw this young hero throw to the ground and take prisoner two brigands who had dared to attack him.  This generous child, surrounded by rebels, preferred to perish rather than surrender, and relinquish the two horses that he was leading. 

During the entire time that he had served in the armies of the Republic, he spent money only on absolute necessities, and sent to his large and indigent family all that he could save."  

Joseph Bara - Republican hero

 

Aquatint by Angélique Briceau, c.1794  
British Museum collections

The heroic death of the soldier-boy Joseph Bara has long been a familiar part of French Revolutionary tradition.  His story was particularly promoted during the Third Republic, when his image featured in the salles d'honneurs of regiments,  and he was the subject of numerous official statues, poems, plays and paintings.   Jean-Joseph Weerts's huge canvas, La Mort de Bara,  commissioned by the state in 1880, adorned a salon in the Élysée Palace during the Universal Exposition of 1889.  In schoolbooks "Bara's drum" was part of Republican collective memory for many decades, right down to the 1960s and '70s.  

Even today, Bara is still celebrated, at least in his native town of Palaiseau where in 1979 his name was given to the local school. As recently as September 2008, the Souvenir Chouan de Bretagne was moved to send a letter of protest to Palaiseau on the occasion of an exhibition of comic-book images: [Il était une fois Joseph Bara en BD]

The life and death of Joseph Bara

The legend of Bara is untrammelled by much in the way of biographical details.  The archives record only two events from his short life. The first is his birth, in Palaiseau on 30th July 1779,  the third son of François Bara, a gamekeeper on the local estate, and his wife Marie Anne Leroy (Bara was the ninth of their ten children; his younger brother is described as an invalid). The boy is recorded as having been born at the château. The second is his death, recounted in a letter to the National Convention dated 8th December 1793, from General Demarres, his commanding officer in the Vendée.  Between these two dates almost nothing is known.