Wednesday, 28 October 2015

The Bastille - 1889


In 1889 the tower of the Bastille once more loomed (briefly) over Paris....



The Universal Exhibition of 1889, which commemorated the centenary of the Revolution, is remembered almost exclusively today as the occasion for the construction of the Eiffel Tower. But it also featured this extraordinary - and massive - reconstruction of the Bastille itself. The project was the brainchild of Jean-Marie Perrusson, an industrialist and manufacturer of ceramics in Saône-et-Loire, who picked up the whopping tab of 12 million francs (as opposed to a mere 7.8 million for the Eiffel Tower)  It was designed by the architect Eugène Colibert (1832-1900) and, as well as the fortress itself, included a portion of the adjacent rue Saint-Antoine complete with houses and shop fronts. It was situated on the corner of avenue Suffren and avenue de la Motte Picquet, at the edge of the Champs de Mars, five kilometres away from the original site.  During the Exhibition  crowds could attend banquets inside in the Hall of Festivities and were treated to daily re-enactments of the Latude's famous escape as well as, of course, the events of 14th July themselves. Although the attraction was overshadowed by the Eiffel Tower, it still amassed receipts of over 100,000 francs. 


References

 Souvenir de la Bastille : 1789-1889 [portfolio of photographs]
http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b8432425q

A contractor charged with clearing the former Perrusson factory in 1960 unearthed a whole load of documents concerning the reconstruction. You can read all the details in the book L'Ephémère resurrection de la Bastille by Thierry Van de Leur (2011).
https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=PRCDAwAAQBAJ&dq=L%27Eph%C3%A9m%C3%A8re+resurrection+de+la+Bast&source=gbs_navlinks_s

Tuesday, 27 October 2015

Jean Jacob, "doyen de France"


« J. Jacob, né à Charmes, âgé de 122 ans, d’après nature en 1789 lorsqu’il fût présenté au Roi »
Watercolour and gouache, 15cm x 11 cm
http://www.pba-auctions.com/html/fiche.jsp?id=3033162&np=4&lng=fr&npp=20&ordre=&aff=4&r=
This little picture, which was auctioned by Pierre Bergé in June 2013, represents Jean Jacob, the "Centenarian of the Jura", who in 1789 at 119 years old was believed to be the oldest man in France.   In October 1789 the sudden appearance of this ancient peasant in the National Assembly caused a minor sensation and catapulted the old man briefly to celebrity status. The picture had been in the possession of the Jacob family since the 18th century. 


Thursday, 22 October 2015

Guillaume Delorme, black sans-culotte

October  - at least in the UK  - is "Black History Month".  I have been casting around for a suitable subject.  Pierre Bardin, an expert on the French Caribbean and biographer of the Chevalier de Saint-George, has recently pieced together what little is known about the black sans-culotte Guillaume Delorme, who is an interesting and equivocal figure.  This summary is based mainly on his researches.


In Sept 1777 all negroes and mulattos in the juridiction of the Amirauté de France were obliged to declare their presence. There were 309 declarations in total for 1777, among them, on 22nd September:
Guillaume Delorme, mulatto, free man, born in Le Cap, aged about 20-and-a-half years, baptised.  Left Le Cap in 1761 on a ship destined for Bordeaux which was taken by the English in 1762, and then arrived at Le Havre in the same year on an English packet.  Exercises the profession of carpenter/coachmaker. Living in the rue Beaubourg, in the parish of St. Merry, at the house of sieur France, a wine merchant.

In 1778 he is again listed,at the same address. By 1783 he had moved to the cul-de-sac St.Sébastien.
The Répertoire du personnel sectionnaire parisien de l’an 2 (Soboul and Monnier,1985) adds a few further details. Delorme was resident in Paris from 1774 and  was a master carpenter and coachmaker. During the Revolutionary years he also worked as a contractor building military carriages for the  Armée du Nord.  He was paying 35 livres in taxation in 1791, which suggests that he was comparatively well-off among the artisans of the Saint-Antoine district.

Nothing is known of Delorme's early years.  He was later closely associated with the radical Revolutionary Louis Fournier, "l'Américain" and it was often said (assumed?) that Fournier had originally arrived with him from St Domingue. If so, the circumstances are not clear; Delorme had arrived as a child in 1762 whereas Fournier returned to France only in 1783. At his trial Delorme claimed to have been a soldier "since 1760" so perhaps he had been part of a military contingent. What is certain - and remarkable - is that Delorme had lived without formality in France for fifteen years, become a skilled artisan, even a master craftsman, and integrated successfully into Parisian society.

Physical descriptions of the man come down to us only in 19th century publications, but, even so,  they preserve a convincing memory of his considerable physical presence and huge energy, - as well as his evident capacity for violence.  He was "a Hercules",  1.85 metres (5 pieds 8 pouces) in height, "capable of bending an iron bar across his knee" and "a  powerful fellow" with "a large face and considerable girth" as befitted a wheelwright.

Like his artisan neighbours in the  Faubourg St. Antoine, Delorme embraced the Revolution with enthusiasm. He participated in the storming of the Bastille on 14th July 1789 - he is listed as "Delorme" on the official roll of Vainqueurs.  He joined the Parisian National Guard on 20 August 1789.  Pierre Bardin identifies him as the "De Lorme" who signed a Cahiers de Doléances  drawn up on behalf of the American colonists in November 1789; this time his address is given as rue du Pont aux Choux in the parish of St. Nicolas-des-Champs.


September massacres

In the massacres of the opening days of September 1792, Delorme's name is often mentioned among the chief perpetrators along with Charlat, the assassin of the princesse de Lamballe and the butcher Allaigre who killed "for the simple pleasure of killing". Larmartine credits him with murdering two hundred people in two days and nights and provides a lurid description of  his bare bronze torso, reddened with blood.  He is often accused of having stripped the body of the princess,  its whiteness contrasting provocatively with his own black complexion. ( The Secret Memoirs of the Princess Lamballe  claims intriguingly that the death blow was delivered by "a mulatto whom she had caused to be baptised, educated and maintained but whom, from ill-conduct, she had latterly excluded from her presence". (p.327-8) Without any other evidence it is hard to make any sense of this, though it seems inherently unlikely that Delorme had ever come into previous contact with the princess.)  Here is the relevant passage from Lamartine:

Santerre and his detachments had the utmost difficulty in driving back to their foul dens these hordes, greedy for carnage - men who, living on crime for seven days, drinking quantities of wine mingled with gunpowder, intoxicated with the fumes of blood, had become excited to such a pitch of physical insanity that they were unable to take repose.  The fever of extermination wholly absorbed them. Some of them, marked down with disgust by their neighbours, left their abodes and enrolled as volunteers, or, insatiable for crime, joined bands of assassins going to Orleans, Lyons, Meaux, Rheims, Versailles, to continue the proscriptions of Paris.  Among these were Charlot, Grizon, Hamin, the weaver Rodi, Henriot, the journeyman butcher Alaigre, and a negro named Delorme, brought to Paris by Fournier l'American.  This black, untiring in murder, killed with his own hands more than two hundred prisoners during the three days and three nights of this fearful slaughter, with no cessation beyond the brief space he allowed himself to recruit his strength with wine.  His shirt fastened round his waist, left his trunk bare, his hideous features, his black skin red with splashes of blood, his bursts of savage laughter displayed his large white teeth at every death-blow he dealt, made this man the symbol of murder and the avenger of his race.   It was one blood exhausting another;  extermination punishing the European for his attempts on Africa.  This negro, who was invariably seen with a head recently cut off in his hand, during all the popular convulsions of the Revolution, was two years afterwards arrested during the days of Prairial, carrying at the end of a pike the head of Féraud, the deputy, and died at last the death he had so frequently inflicted upon others.Larmartine, History of the Girondists,  Book 25, chpt 20:

Gaetano Ferri, Death of the princess de Lamballe 1792 
Turin, Musée Civique  (detail)

Although Fournier was incarcerated  in the Abbaye prison from February 1794 to September 1795, Delorme  remained unmolested and continued to take an active part in Revolutionary movements. On 9th Thermidor, he was recorded as  commander of the Popincourt Section gunners when they responded to the Commune's call to defend Robespierre. 


Insurrection of Prairial Year III (20 may 1795)

Delorme's last appearance in history is in the final abortive popular rising of Prairial Year III. So conspicuous was he that Duval in his Souvenirs thermidoreans  of 1844 attributed to this "monster belched up by the African coast" the entire responsibility for organising and galvanising the insurrection at the instigation of the Montagnards. On 1 Prairial a crowd had invaded the Convention demanding bread and the Constitution of 1793.  The head of the deputy Féraud, who had been shot, was paraded provocatively round the Assembly on a pike, some have it by Delorme himself.  In the evening the Muscadins penetrated into the Faubourg Saint-Antoine and attempted to take possession of the Popincourt cannons, only to be met with determined resistance from Delorme and his men. On 4 Prairial the Convention finally sent in regular troops under General Menou and ordered the three Sections of the Faubourg Saint-Antoine to surrender their guns: only when he perceived that the situation was hopeless, did an enraged Delorme finally hand over his sabre.  He was arrested immediately and condemned by the Military Commission. He is recorded as answering his accusers defiantly: "I have been a soldier since 1760 and I would die a soldier". He was guillotined on the place de la Révolution on the following day, 5 prairial III (24 May 1795).

Here is the sympathetic account given by Jules Clarétie  in Les derniers Montagnards (1867), based in part on documentation submitted to the military tribunal:

The gunners of the Popincourt section were commanded by a negro from Saint-Domingue, Guillaume Delorme, a formidable colossus, living in the cul-de-sac Sebastien, who lead the whole quarter with a mere wave of his hand . He was  thirty-eight years old.  He was a Hercules; a wheelwright-locksmith by trade, he could bend an iron bar over his knee.  On the fourth, half naked, he commanded his guns in his shirt sleeves, with pistols hanging from the red belt slung about his hips.  He could be seen on the barricade, his bronze face lit up by a savage smile, with his frizzy hair, white teeth and bare legs"

[Delorme refused to surrender and ordered his men to fire on the Muscadins.  When they refused, he struggled in a drunken rage to light the fuses himself. The locksmith Dube and another gunner threw themselves on the cannons to prevent him.  He found himself standing alone before the company of jeunes gens.  A fellowed called Séguin approached one of the batteries]

When the Sectionnaires consented to hand over their guns, in front of the Muscadins and the troops of the line, when the dragoons entered the faubourg, Delorme followed them.  The insurgents gave up their weapons though keeping their rebellious look.  He, with his enormous head, his face of an ox, looked the soldiers in the face.  The National Guards of the Lepellier section advanced towards him.

"If you go any further, I'll run you through with my sabre!"  menaced Delorme.  So General Menou himself went up to him:  "Are you a republican?"
  "Have you any b-b-bread you c-c-can give me?" asked Delorme, who had a stutter.
"Give me your sabre".
"Here you are, "he said, after much hesitation.  "Don't worry, it will never be in better hands than mine!"

And pointing out the gunners:  "If I give you my sabre, it is because these cowards have surrendered their guns!  They did not want to give you a lathering this morning! Ah! The cowards!
They arrested him on the spot.


References

Pierre Bardin, "Guillaume Delorme - Le Montagnard" Généalogie et Histoire de la Caraïbe (2015)
http://www.ghcaraibe.org/articles/2015-art11.pdf

François Gendron The gilded Youth of Thermidor (1993) p.155-6.
https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=fxIiXL4u7OwC&vq=Delorme&source=gbs_navlinks_s

Sunday, 18 October 2015

The Comte de Lorges - imaginary prisoner of the Bastille

The deficiencies of the real prisoners of the Bastille on 14th July was soon made good by a fictitious addition to their number, the Comte de Lorges.  Although he gained a curious life of his own, the Comte de Lorges was entirely imaginary.  He was a sort of composite figure borrowing elements from the real prisoners and also from popular ideas of the Bastille as a place of secrecy, dark dungeons and instruments of torture.   "In the story of the Count de Lorges, historical fact and audience expectations, oral rumours and journalistic imagination met  in a mixture typical of its time"  (Lüsebrink and Reichardt, p.108)

His story started to circulate almost immediately after the events of 14 July. The English Dr Rigby in his Journal - probably with reference to Whyte - reported that a "Count D'Auche" had been  found on the morning of the 15th in "one of the deepest Dungeons", where he had been confined for 42 years.  An anonymous pamphet claiming to be a letter written on the 15th described a "Count d'Estrade", "beautiful man" of sixty-five to seventy years who had been accused of Lèse-majesté and sentenced to lifelong imprisonment.   Other pamphlets mention "a harmless old man" who had been imprisoned for "near thirty years" and a "Comte Straze" who had languished for "thirty-two years" and whose "beard reached his stomach".  By the end of August the prisoner had a fixed name the "comte de Lorges". His image appeared in numerous prints and broadsides. 


See: Hans-Jürgen Lüsebrink, Rolf Reichardt, The Bastille: a history of a symbol of despotism and freedom (Duke University Press, 1997), p. 106-8  

               
"Deliverance of M.le Comte de Lorges"
http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b69428737

                                                                                                                                                          
The key publication in the formation of the myth was the journalist Jean-Louis Carra's  little book Le comte de Lorges which appeared in the middle of September 1789.  The title informs the reader that the comte had been "a prisoner in the Bastille for thirty-two years, from the time of Damiens until his release on the 14th July 1789".  He was described  as "an old man whose beard descended to his waist, made venerable by his sufferings and the length of his capitivity". Carra claimed to have heard his story personally as he was  led to the safety of the Hôtel de Ville.  Like Latude, the comte had been imprisoned for an indefinite period of time at Madame de Pompadour, supposedly having complained about the corruption at Court; his only crime was his "republican soul" and his desire to see virtue triumph over vice.  The archetypal forgotten prisoner, he is made to lament: "The years flew by and brought no change at all in my fate; sad and in low spirits I let my days pass in bitterness and sorrow and cursed Despotism and its accomplices". Wearied by returning to a world he no longer recognised, the comte de Lorges (conveniently) died soon after his liberation.
 Jean-Louis Carra, Le comte de Lorges, prisonnier à la Bastille pendant trente-deux ans ; enfermé en 1757, du temps de Damien, & mis en liberté le 14 juillet 1789
http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k6479943r.r=bastille.langFR
                                                                                         
                                                                                     
Detail from L.Carpantier, L'Heure première de la liberté (detail)
http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b6942859

Apart from  Carra's pamphlet the main impetus behind the comte de Lorges story was the publicity machine represented by the Bastille's enterprising demolition contractor Palloy  In the summer months of 1789 visitors flocked to the fortress in their thousands, to tour the horrors of the Bastille in the company of  accredited guides in Palloy's employ. They were shown damp dungeons, instruments of torture, remains of skeletons and "death machines unknown to man". The press even published inscriptions written on the walls of the cells. In August 1789 Mauclerc, an office scribe from Chalons in Burgundy, composed a pamphlet Le Langage des murs, ou les Cachots de la Bastille devoilant leurs secrets.(http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k6547269c) in which he claimed to have discerned the imaginary comte's name etched on the wall of a dungeon together with a suitably despairing Latin quote.


http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b84107408

 Some visitors were of course sceptical.  Louis Abel Beffroy de Reigny remarked that he had been shown several different dungeons, each of which workers claimed had been occupied by the "comte d'Orges" (p.82).  Louis-Pierre Manuel noted that he had been shown the comte de Lorges's dungeon and seen a waxwork by Curtius laden with chains, but the registers of the Bastille and the depositions of the turnkeys mentioned only seven prisoners - the comte couldn't be identified with Whyte, who had been in the Bastille only since 1784 and was a madman (p.132-3).

Louis Abel Beffroy de Reigny,  Histoire de France pendant trois mois .....(1789) p.82
https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=qIBn573I3W8C&pg=RA1-PA84
La Bastille dévoilée (1789) attributed to Louis-Pierre Manuel or "Charpentier"
https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=r83NEP9GwfwC&pg=RA1-PA132
p.132-3:


The comte in Saumur

On 5th December 1790, at the instigation of the local deputy Cigongne, the town of Saumur was ceremonially presented with a block of stone from the Bastille to honour Aubin Bonnemère, a soldier in the Royal-Comtois regiment who had taken part in the events of 14th July. (His chief claim to fame was that he had rescued Mlle de Monsigny, daughter of the commander of the Compagnie des Invalides.)  The Vainqueurs de la Bastille provided a written certification that the stone came from the very dungeon "in which the comte de Lorges had been imprisoned for thirty-two years".  According to at least one 19th-century account  Bonnemère  himself later claimed  to have personally liberated the comte from his "gloomy cell" . To the intense irritation of latter-day Vendéens, the stone - engraved with a plan of the fortress and some boastful verses by Bonnemère - is still to be seen embedded in the wall of Saumur's 16th-century town hall.


Eugène BONNEMÈRE, Etudes historiques saumuroises,  1868, p. 97-124
http://saumur-jadis.pagesperso-orange.fr/recit/ch22/r22c.htm

"Une pierre de la Bastille sur la mairie de Saumur" ,  Vendéens et chouans [blog] post of 8 April 2015  http://www.vendeensetchouans.com/archives/2015/04/08/31855676.html


Madame Tussaud's comte

The comte in a late 19th century photography
Madame Tussaud archive
By the beginning of 1790 Curtius already had an effigy of the comte on display in his waxworks. In later years it was the first figure of the Revolutionary period for which Madame Tussaud herself took full credit.  The 1820 Tussaud catalogue even claimed that she had met the comte: "The existence of this unfortunate man in the Bastille, has by some been doubted.  Madame Tussaud is a living witness of his being taken out of that prison, on the 14th July 1789.  Madame T. was then residing in the house of her uncle ...The Count was bought to the house, but his chains had been taken off." Her Memoirs of 1838 describe how the prisoners were discovered in dark dungeons beneath the Bastille.  The "most remarkable" among them, "he was brought to her to take a cast from his face, which she completed, and still possessed in her collection...He had been thirty years in the Bastille and when liberated from it, having lost all relish for the world, requested to be reconducted to his prison and died a few weeks after his emanicipation"  (see Bindman, p.40-1).

The waxwork (or the cast) was brought to England from France in 1802 and was on almost continuous display until as late as 1968. In 1989 the wax head was lent to the British Museum's "Shadow of the guillotine" exhibition and is presumably still extant. The wax effigy was unusual in being full length and was much admired;  one Liverpool paper in 1821 commended it as "a fine piece of physiology"  According to Kate Berridge, the figure,with its chains and long beard, is "the perfect realisation of the mental images that haunted the popular imagination about the victims of the Ancien Régime, incarcerated in dark dungeons called oubliettes, and forgotten by the outside world' (Kate Berridge, p.116)

The wax figure of the comte is described by Charles Dickens in his account of the Chamber of Horrors(All the Year Round, 7 Jan.1860, ,p.252 quoted in Bindman, p.92):

"To enter the Chamber of Horrors rather late in the afternoon, before the gas is lighted, requires courage. To penetrate through a dark passage under the guillotine scaffold, to the mouth of a dimly-lit cell, through whose bars a figure in a black serge dress is faintly visible, requires courage. Your eye-witness entered, on the principle which causes judicious persons to jump headlong into the sea from a bathing-machine instead of gradually and timidly emersing themselves from the ankle upwards. Let the visitor enter this very terrible apartment at a swift pace and without pausing for an instant, let him turn sharply to the right, and scamper undert he scaffold, taking care that this structure – which is very low – does not act after the manner of the guillotine it sustains, and take his head off. Let him thoroughly master all the circumstances of the Count de Lorge’s imprisonment, the serge dress, the rats, the brown loaf – let him then hasten up the steps of the guillotine and saturate his mind with the blood upon the decapitated heads of the sufferers in the French Revolution – this done, the worst is over."

References
Kate Berridge,  Waxing mythical: the life and legend of Madame Tussaud (2006)  p.115-117
David Bindon, The shadow of the guillotine: Britain and the French Revolution (1989 Exhibition catalogue).  No 25." Wax model of the head of comte de Lorges..."

Saturday, 17 October 2015

The prisoners of the Bastille in 1789



The details of the prisoners "liberated" on 14th July 1789 testify nicely to the declining importance of the Bastille as a political prison in the closing years of the Ancien régime.  The fortress yielded only seven prisoners, four of them common criminals and the remaining three incarcerated at the request of their own families.

Prisoners of the Bastille led to safety on 14th July (print)
http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40256170r
Four Counterfeiters

Of the seven, four (Jean La Corrège, Jean Béchade, Bernard Laroche known as Beausablon, and Jean-Antoine Pujade)  were counterfeiters imprisoned in 1787 on the charge of having forged bills of exchange accepted by the banking firm of Tourton-Ravel. In other words they were common criminals, arrested on ordinary warrants from the Châtelet, who could easily have been held elsewhere. Pujade testified to the Hôtel de Ville that he had left the prison on the afternoon of the 14th in company of Béchade, but they had later became separated.  All four were subsequently rounded up and a few days after their "liberation" were reincarcerated in Bicêtre.

On 17th April 1790 a decree of the Assembly ordered the Châtelet to continue their proceedings against them but the Châtelet itself was abolished on 11 September and they were not pursued further


James Francis Xavier Whyte (Whyte de Malville)

Whyte was a private prisoner.  He was of Irish Jacobite descent.  He was born in Dublin in 1730  and had served during the Seven Years War, first as a cornet in the Soubise Volunteers then a captain in Lally Tollendal's Franco-Irish regiment.  In 1781 he had suffered some kind of mental breakdown and been confined in Vincennes at the expense of his family.  When Vincennes was closed as a prison in 1784 he was transferred with the marquis de Sade to the Bastille.  In March 1789 he had been declared interdit and control of his property transferred to his two daughters.  

Whyte was paraded around the Palais-royal in the evening of 14th and on the 15th taken to the Hôtel de Ville and thence to the prison-asylum at Charenton. On July 31st 1795 he was finally transferred to the asylum of Petites Maisons.  He was described as completely deranged in an almost comically stereotypical fashion,  imagining himself to be Julius Caesar, St Louis and occasionally the Almightly himself. ["ce particulier se disoit Major de l'Immensité et tenoit des propos qui manifestoient la perte entière de sa raison" Procès-verbal des séances et délibérations de l'Assemblée générale des électeurs de Paris, réunis à l'Hôtel-de-Ville le 14 juillet 1789  http://gallicalabs.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k40091x  p.380]



L.Carpantier, First hour of liberty
http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b6942859z

Whyte was of striking appearance, with a massively long unkempt beard. The English doctor Edward Rigby, who was in Paris at the time of the fall of the Bastille describes in his journal for 15th July a prisoner who is clearly Whyte:  "He was draped in a greasy reddish Cloak - his beard was very long & his Hair which had not been combed during this long Period was grown very long - closely matted together - was divided into two Parts & reached lower than is Knees".  In a letter of Sunday 19th,  Rigby's companion Samuel Boddington notes:  "His beard was of great length and his hair which appeared never to have been combed was entangled in large nets as if it have been wove.  It was parted into two long parts and coming over his shoulders reached below his knees.  His face was ...quite pale, and he looked about him as one should conceive a man to do who for the first time had the use of his eyes."
[George Cadogan Morgan, Travels in Revolutionary France ed. by Mary-Ann Constantine  (University of Wales, 2012), p.17-18.
https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=-VWuBwAAQBAJ]



Madame Lambert, née Sophia Whyte
Painting by Henri-Pierre Danloux
Sold at Sotheby's, 19 June 2006
Retired diplomat and Surrey local historian Mr Keith Evetts supplies a nice piece of trivia on the Whyte family which relates them to high British military and naval circles. Whyte's wife was Catherine Lambert,  sister to Capt. Robert Alexander RN of Thames Ditton, whose family was of Huguenot descent. One of  Robert Lambert's sons was to become a vice-Admiral and commanded the squadron protecting St Helena during Napoleon's exile; another, John Lambert, commanded the Tenth Brigade at Waterloo. On 27 September 1789 the younger of Whyte's daughters, Sophia, was granted dispensation by a French Court in order to marry her cousin Henry Lambert. (The 21 year-old Sophia de Whyte is identified in the document as daughter of "M. Jacques François de Whyte, Comte de Whyte, seigneur de Malleville and of Anne Lambert his wife".) After her husband's death Lady Sophia Lambert remarried in 1805 to Lt Col. Henry Francis Greville. She died in March 1839. Whyte's widow Anne died in London in October 1826 at the age of 85.

[Keith Evetts, "A skeleton in the cupboard". Article first published in Thames Ditton Today, June 2014 .
http://www.french-news-online.com/wordpress/?p=37113#axzz3amCfRPiz]

Nicolas Whyte,
who is a descendant, thinks that Whyte was probably the grandson of Charles Whyte who was Jacobite MP for Naas and governor of Kildare in the 1689-92 war.  James II's ambassador in the Hague, Sir Ignatius Whyte,was a cousin.
http://www.impalapublications.com/blog/index.php?/archives/3884-Bastille-connection,-by-James-OFee.html

 

Auguste-Claude Tavernier 

On the face of it Tavernier is a better candidate for a political prisoner -  it is often stated that he had been  incarcerated in 1759 for supposed complicity in Damien's attempt to assassinate Louis XV. This, however, is not quite the full story.

In fact Tavernier had also been imprisoned by his own family. The records of the Bastille describe him as a nothing ("un homme de néant") , the son of a domestic servant, ferocious, cruel and insolent". His father Nicolas had  been a porter in the service of Jean Pâris de Monmartel, one of the famous banker brothers of Louis XV. Born in 1728, Auguste-Claude had been a wild young man.  He was first detained at Charenton in 1745 at the request of his father on account of his "excessive idleness and libertinage", later reincarcerated in Saint-Lazare, and finally sent to the prison on the Île Sainte-Marguerite in the bay outside Cannes, where his family agreed to pay 300 livres a year for his upkeep.  He resisted the offer by Monmartel of a position abroad with the Compagnie des Indes.

In 1759 events took a serious turn when Tavernier was denounced by a fellow-inmate on the Île Sainte-Marguerite, the chevalier de Lussan, for a plot to assassinate the King.  The authorities had no choice but to take the matter seriously; he was transferred to the Bastille for interrogation in July 1759 and,since the case was never resolved, finally left quietly to languish. Lisa Jane Graham in her book If the King Only Knew (2000) reconstructs the circumstances based on two cartons of documents in the Archives Nationales. The details of the supposed plot were massively convoluted; probably the two men were in collusion; Tavernier apparently had the idea of negotiating a hearing before the Parlement of Paris, denouncing the lettres de cachet and thereby securing his release: "he would let M. Louis Quinze know that if Damiens had missed him, he would not miss him and that he would make known for centuries to come his project to exterminate innocent people between four walls with lettres de cachet".  Some of Tavernier's prison writings are preserved and make interesting reading. A Voltairean deist, he worked up his personal resentments into something approaching an Enlightenment case against arbitrary imprisonment. According to Lisa Jane Graham, he was "a shrewd and resourceful man who could not immediately be dismissed as crazy".  Nonetheless, he was unstable and by 1789, at the age of sixty, had been in prison for almost all his adult life. Following the 14th July, he was found wandering the streets at two in the morning, held under guard in the district of Saint-Roch and exhibited to the public for a few days, then finally, on Sunday 19th, surrendered to the Hôtel de Ville.  The following day he was taken to Charenton by M. de La Chaise, a guard in the employ of the duc d'Orléans.  He is recorded as having left Charenton in July 1795 but it does not seem known what subsequently became of him.

[Lisa Jane Graham, If the King Only Knew: Seditious Speech in the Reign of Louis XV (2000)

"Tavernier trente ans a la bastille" See Affaire de Tavernier. 23 november 1759. In Archives de la Bastille, vol. 17 (1866)
https://archive.org/details/archivesdelabast17rava


Hubert de Solages

The final prisoner, Hubert de Solages, was again a private prisoner, who was said to have been guilty of "perverted sexual practices", namely to have committed incest with his sister Pauline.  The official documents record merely that he had been imprisoned at the request of his father "due to his dissipation and bad conduct".  In fact the "Affaire de Solages" was a lot more complicated.  The circumstances were examined in a 1914 book by Auguste Pius which is summarised in some detail on Wikipedia. A member of a minor noble family from Languedoc, Hubert de Solages was born in 1746 and at the time of his initial incarceration in 1765 was a  sub-lieutenant in the Regiment of Condé-Dragoons.  He appears to have been involved in an ill-conceived plan to help his twenty-five-year-old sister to abscond from her husband Jean-Antoine Barrau, who, according to their uncle Gabriel, Chevalier de Solages and to Pauline herself, was a hard, jealous and cruel man.  It was Barrau rather than the young man's father who was the prime mover behind his  imprisonment - it is possible, though by no means certain, that his primary motivation was financial.  Solages was held successively at the  château de Ferrières near Castres,  at the fort de Brescou off the Cap d'Agde, then in the fortress of  Pierre-Encize in Lyon from which he managed to escape..  Following a series of deliberations in 1781, he was transferred to Vincennes in 1782, then to the Bastille on 28th February 1784.  Pauline was similarly confined in a succession of convents.

In the Bastille Solages occupied a room on the fourth floor of the tour de la Bertodière overlooking the rue Saint-Antoine, where he spent his time quietly, playing the violin, reading and writing.  His family paid 2, 300 francs for his pension and 400 francs for his keep. It is recorded that at quarter-past seven on the evening of the 14th July, the deputies from the district of the Oratoire admitted to their presence a gentleman from the Languedoc who, though shabby in appearance, was "a noble and imposing figure" who expressed eloquently  his gratitude for his liberation   He was lodged at the Hôtel de Rouen, rue d'Angivilliers at the expense of the districts and presently, with the help of his uncle the Chevalier, was able to return home to the Albigeois.  He died on 2nd October 1824.

[Wikipedia: "L'affaire de Solages; based on Auguste Puis, Les Lettres de cachet à Toulouse au dix-huitième siècle, Toulouse et Paris, 1914]

Thursday, 15 October 2015

Medals of the "Conquerors of the Bastille"




The "Vainqueurs de la Bastille", and their medals and memorabilia, provide an interesting chapter in  the development of  Revolutionary iconography.


The Vainqueurs de la Bastille


The spontaneous glorification of the “Conquerors” of the Bastille began almost immediately after the attack on the Bastille and along lines dictated by classical precedent and current military practice.  Medals featured heavily. On the evening of the 14 July itself the commander of the Parisian National Guard, the Marquis de la Salle,  received a delegation of “Conquerors” at the Hôtel de Ville and distributed military medals to them. The cross of Saint-Louis,  snatched from the Governor de Launay shortly before his death was presented to one of their number who was triumphally paraded through the streets of Paris.  In the days which followed memorial masses, mixing religion and military pomp, took place in the church of St-Etienne du Mont in the old market district. On 17th July the district Petits-Augustin voted to mint a medal honouring the “Vainqueurs de la Bastille".  On 5th August the military committee of the Paris Commune proposed that a gold medal should be awarded to the French Guards who had participated in the attack.

Jean Dusaulx
The task of adjudicating claims to have taken part in the attack rapidly became a formidable one.  In August 1789 a committee of the Paris Commune  - composed of Jean Dusaulx, Oudart, Bourdin de la Crosnière, Thuriot de la Rosière, La Grey, and D'Osmond -  met in the Église des Quatre-Vingts close to the Bastille to begin compiling a list of participants.  In February 1790 they addressed a petition to the National Assembly requesting a medal.  On 6th March 1790 the Vainqueurs de la Bastille officially elected a committee of eight members to continue investigation of  applications for Vainqueur status and to represent their common interest.  Between 22 March and 16 June 1790 an official roll of 954 claimants was drawn up.

On 15 October 1789 an armed company of “Volonteers of the Bastille” was formed under the command of one of the veterans of the attack,Pierre-Augustin Hulin, the director of the Queen's laundry at La Briche near Saint-Denis and a former officer in the French Guard. (He had been responsible for the deployment of the cannon against the walls of the Bastille).   The company was given its salary by the Commune and housed in its own barracks.  On 8th June 1790 the mayor, Bailly, wrote to Lafayette asking him to propose to the National Assembly that the Volunteers be given a place of privilege at the upcoming  Fête de la Fédération.

On 19 June 1790, the National Assembly, on the proposal of the deputy Camus, finally acted to bestow a number of privileges and honours on the 863 (later 954) officially recognised Vainqueurs in consideration of the "heroic intrepidity" with which they had "risked their lives to liberate their fatherland and shake off the yoke of slavery". According to the Assembly's decree, those fit to bear arms would each receive a uniform and complete set of weapons, including a gun and sword engraved with the individual’s name, the national coat-of-arms and a coping symbolising the Bastille. A "couronne murale" emblem would be supplied which could be worn either on the sleeve or  the lapel of the coat.  Every victor would also receive a document made out by the Assembly bestowing the honorary title of “Vainqueur de la Bastille”.   It was confirmed that the Volunteers would occupy place of honour among the National Guard in the forecoming celebrations .A monetary award was also promised, the amount of which would be specified later.

In practice the decree proved fraught with difficulty, for resentment against the Vainqueurs ran high.   The radical press protested against the "frivolous honours" which, by an unfortunate coincidence,  had been awarded on the very same day (19th June) as the Assembly had  abolished hereditary aristocracy; according to Marat, the Revolution symbolised by the fall of the Bastille was the work not of a few individuals but of the mass of “le petit peuple”.  On 25th June after a  tumultuous debate, the Vainqueurs  finally agreed to renounce their privileges – a delegation solemnly appeared before the Assembly to lay their ribbons on the “altar of the fatherland”.  On 28 December 1790 the Commune explicitly prohibited their further meetings, though they were able to reconstitute themselves as the Société fraternelle des amis des droits de l'homme, ennemis du Despotisme and became part of the Jacobin Club.  They also survived as enough of an entity to take part in the procession accompanying Voltaire's remains to the Panthéon in July 1791.  The company of Volunteers was not officially dissolved until 8th August 1791 when it was absorbed into the National Guard and later, in the summer of 1792, into the 35 Gendarmerie division, which saw action in the Vendée.

Despite the decision of 25 June 1790, most of the Vainqueurs de la Bastille continued proudly to use the title; in the second half of 1790 almost all of them petitioned as individuals for the promised decorations and duly received an assortment of certificates, medals,  swordbelts and rifle-slings engraved with their names.

In 1804 a small group met once more in the Faubourg Saint-Antoine to demand (unsuccessfully) admission to the Légion d'honneur.  They fared better under the July Monarchy: on 28 November 1831, following  a petition brought forward by Lafayette in the Chamber of Deputies, a vote was taken to award five hundred francs, together with a new set of medals, to the 401 surviving Vainqueurs;  93 of the most needy were also awarded a small pension.



References

Hans-Jürgen Lüsebrink and Rolf Reichardt, The Bastille: a history of a symbol of despotism and freedom (Duke University Press, 1997), pp.


Décorations des Vanqueurs de la Bastille france-phaleristique website (by Marc Champenois)

http://www.france-phaleristique.com/decorations_vainqueurs_bastille.htm
Includes the definitive list of 954 "Conquerors" submitted on 16th June 1790.


List of surviving Vainqueurs in 1832
http://www.archivesnationales.culture.gouv.fr/chan/chan/pdf/sm/F1dII29-32%201%20VainqBastille.pdf


Diplomas and medals


Honorary diploma presented in 1790 ("Brevet de Vainqueur de la Bastille").  Copperplate engraving




Gold medal of the Gardes Françaises



The medal, proposed by the Commune on 5th August 1789, was authorised by a decree of the National Assembly on 1st September 1789 and sent to each soldier together with a certificate.  There were 64 recipients from the Third Batallion of French Guards plus forty or so from other companies of Guards or other regiments. It was suppressed by a decree of the National Convention on 18th November 1793.
Description: Lozenge, 32 mm by 21 mm. Gold. Front face:  Inscribed La liberté reconquise le 14 juilliet 1789 ("Liberty reconquered on 14th July 1789")  The image shows a ring with two broken chains and,at the base, an open padlock, more chains and two cannonballs.
Reverse:  A sword passed through a laurel crown.  Inscribed  Ignorant ne datos ne quisquam serviat enses  "Men do not know that the purpose of the sword is to save all from slavery" - an epigram from Lucian suggested by Lafayette, or possible Vauvilliers, president of the Communal Assembly.



Lafayette sports the medal  of the Gardes Françaises

The goldsmith is identified as Jean-Nicholas Francastel, who also produced the famous Franco-American Medal of Cincinnatus.



Medal of the vainqueurs

The wording of the decree of 19 June 1790 did not provide for a medal for the "vanqueurs", but only an embroidered "crown" to be sewn either to the sleeve or lapel of their uniform.  However, this idea seems to have been abandoned in favour of a bronze medallion, worn with a ribbon . The decoration was abolished  by a decree of 20 août 1793  which replaced it with the medal commemorating the Revolution of 10 August.   The original "crowns" of 1790 are bronze or gilded bronze, depicting five towers of the Bastille with three holes in the lower part.  Some examples are stamped on the reverse "Récompense nationale décernée a Monsieur ....Vainqueur de la Bastille 1790" (National award given to Monsieur...Conqueror of the Bastille 1790")





The 1831 crowns were bronze (ungilded) and solid in design.  There are also facsimile crowns produced in 1889 which are similar in appearance to those of 1831.

From: Sale of 17 November 2011 Armes anciennes - souvenirs historiques , Drouot, Paris.
http://www.thierrydemaigret.com/html/fiche.jsp?id=2146160&np=3&lng=fr&npp=20&ordre=&aff=2&r=

See also:
Catalogue of the collection André Souyris-Rolland, Drouot, 15 November 2012.
http://www.auctionartparis.com/catalogue/AuctionArt-2012_11_15.pd

Crown belonging to Hulin





This  Bastille "couronne murale", part of Paul Rousseau collection, sold in 2012, is of particular interest in that it belonged to Hulin, commander of the Volunteers of the Bastille.   Hulin was to rise to high military rank under Napoleon.

https://www.liveauctioneers.com/item/11109192_couronne-murale-des-vainqueurs-de-la-bastille-por


Sunday, 11 October 2015

Everyday life in the Bastille


Print showing the Porte Saint-Antoine and the Bastille in the mid-18th century
http://bibliotheque-numerique.inha.fr/collection/3040-veue-et-perspective-de-la-porte-saint-a/

Most historians now admit that, by 1789, the great "State prison" where political prisoners of the likes of Fouquet and the Man in the Iron Mask were detained in conditions of secrecy under lettres de cachet was already a place of myth. Louis XVI's ministers were well aware that the fortress had become an obsolete symbol of all that was unenlightened and arbitrary about royal government. It is a striking revelation to learn that in 1784 plans already existed to demolish the fortress and replace it with a place Louis XVI on almost the exact site of the modern place de la Bastille.  In the meantime the Bastille  continued to function in a scaled down fashion and conditions were gradually brought into line with prisons elsewhere in Paris.


Profile of the prison population

The Bastille could hold between forty and fifty prisoners but it was never full.

 Apart from confinements for religious reasons - which was at the discretion of the Church and peaked in the 1730s -   the majority of arrests were based on valid laws and, in the last forty-five years before the Revolution, concerned economic and moral rather than political offences.  A third were for the writing and production of “forbidden books”. During the reign of Louis XVI the number of prisoners dropped dramatically and the average length of confinement fell from three years to one or two months.  There were a few peaks coinciding with notable public events:  the bread riots of 1775 (31 prisoners); the affair of the diamond necklace in 1786 (11 prisoners) and the revolt of the judges in Rennes in 1788 (12 prisoners).  However generally by the 1780s there were often only a handful of prisoners: ten in September 1782, seven in April 1783, and seven when the Bastille fell on 14th July 1789. As Linguet complained, numbers were oftenmade up by ordinary felons.

The conditions of detention, though harsh, were said to compare favourably with those in other gaols. Imprisonment in the Bastille was counted by the government as a favour, due to the high ranking prisoners detained.  Accounts vary in their verdict:  privileged prisoners such as  Morellet, Marmontel, Dumouriez - were well-treated and approached the experience with a certain bravado.  At the other end of the scale was Linguet was bitter in his indictment, both of the physical deprivation and the psychological trauma of open-ended imprisonment.


Arrest and detention

According to the instructions issued by the Baron de Breteuil in 1784 lettres de cachet were required to specify the probable length of detention. All prisoners were supposed to be examined within twenty-four hours of arrival, though admittedly this rule was loosely applied.  They appeared before a Commissaire du Châtelet or, in important cases, the Lieutenant of Police in person.  In every case a report on the prisoner was drawn up by the Lieutenant, on the basis of which another lettre de cachet could be issued making a pronouncement of  non-lieu (ie. no grounds for prosecution) and ordering the prisoner's release.  During the reign of Louis XVI 38 verdicts of non-lieu were ordered out of a total of 240 prisoners detained, that is just under a sixth.  Any prisoner unjustly incarcerated could seek compensation. In practice, there were often private negotiations for release or transfer.

Procedures clearly varied according to the standing of the prisoner. Linguet describes the humiliating official process of being searched, stripped of personal possessions and having his name inscribed in the prison register. Others were more gently treated. Marmontel, the editor of the Mercure de France, was imprisoned for a mere eleven days in 1759. His Memoirs give a semi-comic account of his arrival by in a coach accompanied by the Lieutenant.  His cell was comfortably furnished and he was allowed his books and the services of  his personal servant.  The son of the President of the Parlement of Aix-en-Provence, was said to have shared the governor's table every day under the pseudonym of Saint-Julien. It was generally possible to receive visitors; the Marquis de Fresne was even allowed to leave the Bastille to see his mother and to visit a spa for his rheumatism!

Cells and dungeons

The eight towers of the Bastille all had names - Bertodière, Bazinière, Comté, Trésor, Chapelle, Coin, Liberté, Puits They had three to six rooms on top of each other, with one or two prisoners per room.  They were of vast size and almost all had a large open hearth where a fire was kept burning in winter.  The walls were massively thick.   According to Linguet, De Launay, the last governor of the Bastille, had had double sets of bars placed on all the windows after an escape attempt in 1779, these being  positioned in such a way as to prevent any view.  “Perfect ice-houses” in winter, in summer the cells were “moist suffocating stoves”. Linguet, whose room faced out onto the moat, complained bitterly of the fetid smell of sewage from the rue St Antoine which emptied into the moat when the river overflowed.  Furnishings in the cells could be arranged according to the wishes of the prisoners, who were also able to bring in their own furniture (as did the Count de Belle-Isle in 1759); The rich could arrange a certain degree of comfort:  La Beaumelle in 1753 had bookcases built for his private library of more than six hundred volumes.  The Marquis de Sade, who was transferred from Vincennes in 1784 had his rooms entirely redecorated (to say nothing of wine shipped in from Burgundy and frequent unsupervised visits from his wife).   Linguet, on the other hand, reported bitterly that the inventory of his room consisted only of : “two matresses half eaten by the worms, a matted elbow chair…a tottering table, a water pitcher, two pots of Dutch ware…and two flagstones to support the fire". De Launay obstructed his smallest efforts to acquire new furnishings,  new wall hangings or adequate fuel (Linguet, p.64-72)


The Bastille of myth - prisoners liberated from a dungeon on 14th July 1789
http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b84107408
Each tower had a cachot (dungeon) in its foundations and a calotte at the top where conditions were much harsher.  By the middle of the century dungeons used were only for punishment.  Latude left a vivid account of eighteen months in a dungeon with his feet chained to an enormous pillar, forced to lie on a bed of straw and fed only bread and water, with the only daylight filtered through a narrow chink in the wall.  

During the reign of Louis XVI, however, not one single prisoner was held in a dungeon: Necker as Inspector General expressly forbade the practice in 1776.  On  30 April 1780 Louis XVI demonstrated his enlightened sensibilities with a decree ordering the destruction of all underground “cachots"; those merely detained on suspicion should not be punished in advanced of the verdict, whilst  the “obscure suffering” of convicted criminals contributed nothing to public order. 


The prison regime

Here again, conditions were not as terrible as popularly supposed. As a royal prison the Bastille  was subject to careful administration. State prisoners were not allowed money, but between 6 and 26 livres was allotted for board, according to the rank of the prisoner.  Needy prisoners were clothed at the state’s expense and allowed to select material according to their own taste.  Latude, who complained of his “half-rotted rags”, was in fact given an considerable amount of bedding and clothing, including a new fur-lined coat which he sold after his second escape.  The food supplied by the Bastille's kitchens was generally held to be good and plentiful.  Some prisoners drew only half the daily ration and had the rest paid out on release. It was also possible to buy in supplies: many prisoners had their own wine. 


Prisoners who enjoyed "freedom of the yard", were allowed to walk about and to play communal games bowls or billiards.  Almost all were allowed to leave the cells for exercise in the inner courtyard or, more rarely on the upper platform. Warm baths, medicine cabinets and the services of specialist doctors were available. Interestingly the Bastille had quite an extensive library, the catalogue of which survives.  On Malesherbes's orders prisoners were given leave to read and write, though their letters were examined. They could also bring in personal possessions such as musical instruments, and even work, provided their tools did not threatened escape. 


References

Books and website on the Bastille are legion!  I have taken my facts and figures mainly from:

Jacques Godechot, The taking of the Bastille: July 14th 1789 (English trans. 1970), p.86-98.

Hans-Jürgen LüsebrinkRolf Reichardt, The Bastille: a history of a symbol of despotism and freedom (Duke University Press, 1997), p.27-32.


French reassessment of conditions in the Bastille has been led by Claude Quétel whose latest work is La Bastille dévoilée par ses archives (2013).  You can hear him discuss his conclusions here:
http://www.franceinfo.fr/emission/le-livre-du-jour/2012-2013/la-bastille-devoilee-par-ses-archives-de-claude-quetel-05-04-2013-08-42
And for an earlier interview
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FgWwdjgvAjE

Claude Quetel has also written a revealing biography of Latude: Escape from the Bastille: the life and legend of Latude (English trans. Polity Press 1990)


Also recommended:
Simon-Nicolas-Henri Linguet, Memoirs of the Bastille (English trans. 1783)  With notes and introduction by Jim Chevallier (2005)
Mr Chevalier has a very informative section on the Bastille on his website:  http://www.chezjim.com/bastille/
See particularly the section on food in the Bastille  http://www.chezjim.com/bastille/b_food.html

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