Thursday, 18 June 2015

Jean Bion, chaplain to the galleys - "Those things my eyes have seen"

Of the [Galley slaves] I design to give the public an Account, as being of all men the most miserable : the Barbarities committed in those horrid machines exceeding all that can possibly be imagined.... I shall relate nothing by hearsay; but, like the Apostle, confine myself to those things 'my eyes have seen.'  
[Jean Bion, Protestant convert and former Chaplain of the Galley Superbe]

Sadly the Catholic clergy who showed compassion towards the Protestant on board the galleys were few in number - but they did exist.  Jean Marteilhe preserves the memory of  a Dominican friar in Dunkirk who allowed the forçats pour la foi to keep their books and who acted as intermediary for the delivery of funds from Holland.  In Marseille the abbé Jean-François Bion was so moved by the heroism of the Protestants in his charge, that he fled to Geneva, converted to Calvinism and eventually settled in London where he published an account of their sufferings, today an important primary source for life on the galleys.



Jean-François Bion was born in Dijon on 24th June 1668 and in 1695  became curé of the village d'Urcy near Dijon.  In 1703, when he was 35 years old, for reasons unknown, he took the post of chaplain on board the Marseille galley La Superbe.  So appalled was he by the conditions which he found, and particularly the treatment of the Protestants,  that in 1704 he journeyed to Versailles to make a protest to Chancellor Pontchartrain.  He subsequently converted to the Reformed faith and, by December 1707, was in  London where he received assistance from the Huguenot Threadneedle Street Church.  His Account of the Torments which the French Protestants Endure Aboard the Galleys was published in French, English and German in 1708, with a dedication to Queen Anne. The text betrays both his anger and his haste.  His subsequent career can be picked up at several points: in 1709 he was minister of the French church of Blackfriars; in 1709 he took out oath roll naturalisation, at which time he was living in the parish of St. Giles-in-the-Fields.  He later became minister at Little Chelsea and later perhaps in Marylebone.  The date and circumstances of his death are unknown.  In addition to his Account several other tracts, including a criticism of Quietism which denied the validity of Christian mystic experience.


Life on board the galley

Bion’s moving account  begins by describing the conditions in which the galériens were held.  On the Superbe, the crew numbered 500 men, 300 of whom worked the oars.  He explains that each oar had a team of five  the strongest, at the upper end, generally being a Turk.  The convicts subsisted in cramped conditions on the open deck, their only shelter a canvas tent which could be erected only in fair weather. The men wore two shirts of coarse canvass, a red serge tunic, and a red cap to cover their head, which was shaven to indicate their subjection.  Each prisoner was attached with chains and beaten if he slacked. The rowers were permanently exhausted and vermin infested.  As Marteilhe also attested so vehemently, convict life made worse by the inhumanity of the galley crew;  Bion highlights the peculation which was rife  - the Comites who profited from convict labour in the port, the surgeon who sold his medical supplies and the officer in charge of provisions who embezzled money for rations.  The prisoners were subject to anachronistic humiliations:  their shaved heads were a symbol of abasement and they were forced to perform a strange ritual howl of despair for the entertainment of visitors.  Above there was the constant threat of the whip. Bion describes the categories of prisoners - Muslim slaves, peasant smugglers, criminals, both petty and hardened. The Turks were the trusties of the system and Bion, again like Marteilhe, insists on their courage and probity.  He takes away a lesson of toleration:   he once tried to baptise a dying Turk but admits he would not have done so had he understood the Muslim religion as he did now.

In 1703 the Superbe left Marseille with a little squadron under the orders of the chevalier de Rouannez to patrol the ports of Savoy. (Dangeau's memoirs (x,74) confirm that they were involved in a naval engagement when two boats transporting reinforcements for the Camisards was intercepted).  Bion describes how during the winter of 1703 more than sixty men fell ill off the coast of Italy and were confined in the unimaginably tiny, squalid and airless compartment for the sick in the prow of the galley.

The Protestants

Bion was a first-hand witness to the "affair of the bonnets".  Soon after his arrival on the Superbe several Protestants from the Cévennes and Languedoc came on board.  They refused to knee or bear their heads during Sunday Mass and were threatened with a whipping (bastinado);  Bion had never seen this and was appalled by the very idea; "Ce mot de bastonade m'effrayer".  He spent the whole week trying to prevail on the men to change their minds; by  now he had no desire to make them act against their conscience, but was motivated  simply  by "pity and human tenderness that nature inspires in us for our fellow creatures".  Two complied; the rest were whipped. Bion himself was reduced to an extreme confusion. He had gone to console the wounded men but found himself more in need of consolation himself, so lost in admiration was he for their constancy and patience in the face of suffering, their resignation to the will of God.  Details of this episode are confirmed in a letter of 26th October 1702 in which one of the Protestant convicts relates the details and names the three men involved.  One was a laborer called Denis Ustain, who believed himself inspired. (see Conlon, p.20-21)

References


Jean François Bion,  An Account of the Torments which the French Protestants Endure Aboard the Galleys (London 1708)
https://archive.org/stream/tormentsofprotes00arbeuoft#page/432/mode/2up

Critical edition of the French text (with introduction)
Pierre M. Conlon, Jean-François Bion et sa relation des tourments soufferts par les forçats protestants (1961) Extracts:
https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=JbUOCEzU1rYC&dq=Jean-Fran%C3%A7ois+Bion+chelsea&source=gbs_navlinks_s

Jacques Rigaud (1681-1754)  Arming a galley [detail]
One of a set of prints depicting the galleys of  Marseilles - sold by Vasari in December 2014
http://www.vasari-auction.com/html/fiche.jsp?id=4485077&np=2&lng=fr&npp=20&ordre=&aff=2&r=%20The%20Galley
 


The text is not long, so here it is reproduced:

An Account of the Torments which the French Protestants Endure Aboard the Galleys

by Jean Bion, sometime Priest and Curate of the Parish of Urcy in the Province of Burgundy; and Chaplain to the 'Superbe' Galley in the French Service

[Dedication omitted]

The Preface.


AS I PURPOSED in this Work, only to make the Sufferings of the Protestants condemned to the Galleys, for the sake of Religion, known to the World : people will be apt to think that, when I speak in general of the different sorts of ' Forcats ' or Slaves, which are on them, I go beside the rules I prescribed to myself. But if it be considered that it is no little Torment to the Protestants to be amongst Malefactors and lewd and profligate Villains ; whose continual blasphemies and cursings have no parallel, but among the damned in Hell : it will not be thought beside my purpose, to have given to the World a particular Account of the various sorts of those men who live in the Galleys.

There is, besides, a block, those, who never saw the Galleys but in the Port at Marseilles, will infallibly stumble at ; if not removed. Which is, that whereas the Galley Slaves are not, during that time, in that wretched condition they are in, whilst at sea, and tugging at the oar. Being allowed to keep shop about the Port ; and there to work and sell all manner of commodities. And sometimes having leave to walk in the Town : giving only one penny to the Algousin [Boatswain's Mate, or Galley Serjeant^; as much to the Turk, with whom each of them must then be coupled ; and five pence to the 'Pertuisenier' or Partizan Bearer, who guards them. There being some besides, that even have their Wives at Marseilles. And all being permitted to hear from their friends ; and receive money from their relations. All such comforts and favours, as well as all manner of correspondence with friends, are utterly denied the Protestants.

I have not descended to particulars, in what relateth to the usefulness of Galleys in Sea fights, for the keeping of the Coasts ; or convoying of Merchant Sloops, when there is any danger of their being taken, or set upon, by the Brigantines the Duke of Savoy keeps commonly for thatpurpose, during the war, in Villa Franca, Saint Hospitio, and Oneglia.

Nor did I take notice in this Work, how the Galleys in an engagement wherein there are Men of War, serve to keep off and sink with their cannon sftot out of the Coursier, a Gun so called, the Fire-ships the enemy sendeth to set the ship on fire ; and to tow away such as are disabled in the fight.

I might also have observed how, in every Galley, there are five Guns upon the foredeck, viz., four six or eight pounders : and a fifth, called the Coursier [Chase Gun] , which carrieth a 36-lb. ball.

And herewith, when an enemy's ship is becalmed, a Galley, which with her oars can do what she pleaseth, may attack that ship fore and aft, to avoid her broadsides ; and ply her with the Coursier ; so that, sometimes, if she happeneth to let [give] her a shot which cometh between wind and water, she forceth her to surrender. Which how- ever happeneth seldom enough ; for a ship needs but a little wind, to make nothing of overthrowing five or six Galleys.

I did not think fit either to give here, an Account of the numbers of Galleys in France ; which are twenty-four at Marseilles, and six upon the Ocean. Not to speak of the six small rooms in every Galley, under the deck ; wherein ammunition and provisions are kept, and which they call, the ' Gavon,' the ' Scandclat,' the ' Campaign,' the ' Paillot,' the ' Tavern,' and the ' Fore-room.'

All these particulars would have carried me too far out of my way, and beside my purpose ; which is only to give a plain and faithful Account, without amplifying, of the Sufferings of the Protestant Galley Slaves.

If there be anything omitted in this Relation ; it will not be found as to any material point. And as my sole aim in it hath been to work a fellow feeling in other men's hearts ; I shall not find myself at all disappointed,, although their curiosity should not be fully satisfied.
The Lord, in his mercy, pour out his blessings upon this Work ! and favourably hear our Prayers and Supplications, which we shall never cease to make unto his Divine Majesty, for the deliverance of our poor distressed brethren.


THE SUFFERINGS OF THE PROTESTANTS IN THE FRENCH GALLEYS

THE DISMAL ACCOUNTS handed down to us, by Historians, of the Torments inflicted on Christians by the Heathen Emperors, in the first Ages of the Church, might justly be suspected, if the woeful experience of our own, did not put the truth of them out of dispute. For though it be not easy to conceive how men can put off all that is tender and generous in their natures, and degenerate into the ferocity of brutes ; yet it is but looking on the World around us, and being convinced that they can even outdo their fellow-animals in Cruelty to one another. Nay, we may see many professing Christianity, under the specious pretence of zeal for its Interest, commit such Barbarities as exceed, [or] at least equal, the rage of the Persecutors of the Primitive Christians. History abounds in instances that shew the nature of a Spirit of Persecution ; and how boundless its rage and fury ! But the sad effects it hath, of late years, produced in France, as they are still fresh and but too obvious, are scarcely to be paralleled in any Age or Nation !

All the World knows the Protestants there lived, under the protection of the Edict of Nantes : a Treaty as full and solemn as ever any was ! It was at first religiously observed : but, in time, several breaches were made in it. Many of its branches were, by degrees, lopt off : till, at last, under the present King [Louis XIV.] , at the continual teasing and solicitation of the Jesuits, those restless and busy insects ! it was perfidiously broken ; or, as they please to term it, repealed.

But Religion and its propagation must be the cloak, under which those crafty Silversmiths intend to play their game. And therefore having first confidently taught, That the King hath a Despotic Power over the Consciences as well as Estates ; and consequently his Will to be the Ruleof their Religion; they, by several arts and methods, but chiefly by dreadful punishments, force weak people to play the hypocrites, and embrace a Religion which in their hearts they detest. Such as were too good Christians to prostitute their Consciences to vile worldly interests, are denied the benefit of retiring into foreign countries : and punished, if discovered, often with death ; or reserved for more cruel usage, and condemned to spin out their wretched lives in the Galleys.

Of these last I design to give the public an Account, as being of all men the most miserable : the Barbarities committed in those horrid machines exceeding all that can possibly be imagined. The ingenuity of the famous Sicilian Tyrants in inventing torments deserves no longer to be proverbial : being far excelled, in this pernicious art, by the modern Enemies Of Religion and Liberty.

I shall endeavour to satisfy the curosity of those who desire to be informed of the treatment the Slaves, and particularly the Protestants, in the Galleys meet with ; and to convince such as are loath to harbour any hard thoughts of the French Court : that justifies its proceedings by pretending that what they suffer, is not on the account of Religion; but a just and lawful punishment for Rebellion and Disobedience.

My being, several campaigns [cruises] , Chaplain aboard one of the Galleys, called, 'La Superbe,' gave me a sufficient opportunity of informing myself of the truth of the follow- ing Relation. And I hope my integrity will not be called in question by anybody, that hears, that during my stay in that Service, I never received the least disgust, or met with any disobligation. The Certificates I have from Monsieur de Montolieu, Chief Flag Officer of the French Galleys, and Monsieur d'Autigny, Captain of the aforesaid Galley, whose Chaplain I was ; a reward for my services conferred on me by the French King, in the year 1704, at the recom- mendation of Monsieur de Pontchartrain ; several good Offices done me by the General and other Officers who knew me : will, I hope, screen me from the suspicions or calumny of such who, through malice or perhaps Interest, might be inclined to misrepresent me.

Neither shall a blind zeal for the Protestant Religion, which I have lately embraced, hurry me beyond the strict bounds of Truth ; or make me represent things in any colours but their own. I should be an unworthy Professor of that holy Religion, if, on any consideration, I should in the least deviate from the strictest truth : to which end, I shall relate nothing by hearsay; but, like the Apostle, confine myself to those things ' my eyes have seen.'


AN ACCOUNT OF A GALLEY AND ITS GOVERNMENT

BEFORE I proceed to show the Sufferings and Misery the wretches in the Galleys labour under; I shall give a short description of that Vessel. 
A Galley is a long flat one-decked Vessel ; though it hath two masts. Yet they generally make use of oars ; because they are built so, as not to be able to endure a rough sea, and therefore their sails, for the most part, are useless : unless, in cruising, when they are out of sight of land ; for then, for fear of being surprised by ill weather, they make the best of their way. 

There are five Slaves to every oar : one of them, a Turk ; who, being generally stronger than Christians, is set at the upper end to work it with more strength. 

There are, in all, 300 Slaves : and 150 men ; either Officers, Soldiers, Seamen, or Servants. There is at the Stern of the Galley a Chamber, shaped on the outside like a cradle, belonging to the Captain ; and solely his at night or in foul weather: but, in the day-time, common to the Officers and Chaplain. All the rest of the crew (the Under Officers excepted ; who retire to other convenient places) are exposed above deck, to the scorching heat of the sun by day, and the damps and inclemencies of the night. There is indeed a kind of a tent suspended by a cable from head to stern that affords some little shelter: but the misfortune is, that this is only when they can best be without it, that is, in fair weather. For, in the least wind or storm, it is taken down ; the Galley not being able to endure it, for fear of oversetting. 

The two winters (in anno 1703, and in 1704) we kept the coasts of Monaco, Nice, and Antibes; those poor creatures, after hard rowing, could not enjoy the usual benefit of the night, which puts an end to the fatigues and labours of the day : but were exposed to the winds, snow, hail, and all other inconveniences of that season. The only comfort they wished for, was the liberty of smoking : but that, on pain of the Bastinado, the usual punishment of the place, is forbidden. 


Print from the Musée de la Marine in Marseille? 
http://www.approches.fr/IMG/File/Communiqu%C3%A9_ACT_9d%C3%A9c2010(1).pd
The vessel being but small for the number, the men consequently crowded, the continual sweat that streams down from their bodies whilst rowing, and the scanty allowance of linen ; one may easily imagine, breed abundance of vermin. So that, in spite of all the care that can be taken, the Galleys swarm with lice, etc. ; which, nestling in the plaits and laps of their clothes, relieve, by night, the Executioners who beat and torment them by day. 

Their whole yearly allowance for clothes is two Shirts made of the coarsest canvas, and a little Jerkin of red serge slit on each side up to their arm holes ; the sleeves are also open and come not down so low as their elbows. And every three years, a kind of coarse frock, and a little cap to cover their heads ; which they are obliged to keep shaved, as a mark of Infamy. 

Instead of a bed, they are allowed, sick or well, only a board a foot and a half broad. And those who have the unfortunate honour of lying near the Officers, dare not presume, though tormented with vermin, to stir so much as a hand for their ease : for fear their chains should rattle, and awake any of them ; which would draw on them a punishment more severe than the biting of those insects. 


It is hard to give an exact description of the pains and labours the Slaves undergo at sea ; especially during the long campaign [cruise]. The fatigue of tugging at the oar is extraordinary. They must rise to draw their stroke, and fall back again almost on their backs : insomuch that, in all seasons, through the continual and violent motion of their bodies, the sweat trickles down their harassed limbs. 

The lashings of the relentless comites
And for fear they should fail, as they often do through faintness, there is a Gang-board, which runs through the middle of the ship, on which are constantly posted three Comites, an Officer somewhat like a Boatswain in Her Majesty's Ships: who, whenever they find, or think, that an oar does not keep touch with the rest, without ever examining whether it proceeds from weakness or laziness, they unmercifully exercise a tough wand on the man they suspect ; which, being long, is often felt by two or three of his innocent neighbours ; who being naked when they row, each blow imprints evident marks of the inhumanity of the Executioner. 
And that which adds to their misery is, that they are not allowed the least sign of discontent or complaint ; that small and last comfort of the miserable ! but must on the contrary endeavour with all their might to exert the little vigour that remains ; and try, by their submission, to pacify the rage of those relentless Tigers : whose strokes are commonly ushered in, and followed by, a volley of oaths and horrid imprecations.


No sooner are they arrived in any Port ; but their work, instead of being at an end, is increased : several laborious things previous to casting anchor being expected from them ; which in a Galley is harder than a Ship. And as the Comite's chief skill is seen in dexterously casting anchor, and that they think Blows are the Life and Soul of Work ; nothing is heard for some time, but cries and lamentation : and as the poor Slaves' arms are busy in the execution of his commands ; his are as briskly exercised in lashing them


To support their strength under all these hardships during the campaign, every morning, at eight of the clock, they give each man his proportion of biscuit : of which, indeed, they have enough ; and pretty good. At ten a Porringer of oil, with peas or beans ; often rotten ; and commonly musty. I call it, Soup, according to their use : although it be nothing but a little hot water, with about a dozen peas or beans floating on the top. And when, on duty, a Pichone of wine, a measure containing about two-thirds of an English Pint, morning and evening. 

When at anchor in any Port, all who have any money are allowed to buy meat : and the Turk that commands the oar, and is not chained, is commonly the person employed for this purpose: as also to see it dressed in the Cook Room. But I have often seen the Captain's Cook, a brutal passionate man, take the poor men's pot, under pretence that it troubled him, and either break [it] , or throw it over- board : whilst the poor wretches were fainting for want of that little refreshment ; without daring so much as to murmur or complain. This indeed is not usual, but where the Cook happens to be a villain: of which sort of men there are plenty in the Galleys. 

The Officer's table is well furnished, both for plenty and delicacy : but this gives Slaves only a more exquisite sense of their misery ; and seems to brave their poverty and hunger. 

..


We spent the Carnival of 1704 in the Port of Monaco. Our Officers frequently treated the Prince of that place aboard the Galley. Their entertainments were splendid. Music and all things that could promote mirth were procured. But who can express the affliction of those poor creatures, who had only a prospect of Pleasure : and whilst others revelled at their ease, were sinking under a load of chains, pinched with hunger in their stomachs, and nothing to support their dejected spirits. 

Nay, and what is worse, they are forced to add to the pomp and honour done to Great Men who visit their Officers : but in such a manner as moves the compassion of all who are not used to such dismal solemnities. 

When a Person of Quality comes on board, the Comito gives twice notice with his whistle. The first time, they are all attentive : and the second, the Slaves are obliged to salute, as they call it, three times ; not with a cheerful  ' Huzza ! ' as in an English Man of War ; but by howling in a piteous tone ; making a lamentable complaining outcry .





The life aboard a Galley, while in harbour
When the badness of the weather hinders the Galleys from putting to sea ; such as have Trades work in the Galley. Such as have none, learn to knit coarse stockings : the Comite for whose profit they work, gives them yarn, and pays them about half the usual price : and this not in money, but some little victuals or wine which they are obliged to take out of the Ship's Cellar (of which the Comite is the Keeper);, though it be generally bad, and dashed with water. For, though they had as much gold as they could carry, they durst not, on pain of the Bastinado, send for any wine from the shore.

The most moving spectacle of all is, to see the poor Souls that have no Trade. They clean their comrades' clothes, and destroy the vermin that torment their neighbours : who, in return, give them some small share of that scanty pittance they purchase by working.

The loathsome hospital in the hold
One may imagine that such ill treatment, diet, and infection, must needs occasion frequent sickness. In that case the usage is thus :
There is in the Hold, a close dark room. The air is admitted only by the scuttle, two feet square : which is the only passage into it. At each end of the said room, there is a sort of a scaffold, called, 'Taular': on which the sick men are laid promiscuously; without beds or anything under them. When these are full ; if there be any more, they are stretched all along the Cables : as I saw in the year 1703 : when, being on the coast of Italy, in winter time, we had above threescore sick men.

In this horrid place, all kind of vermin rule with an arbitrary sway; gnawing the poor sick creatures without disturbance. When the duties of my function called me in amongst them, to confess, advise, or administer some comfort : which was constantly twice a day, I was, in an instant, covered all over with them ; it being impossible to preserve one's self from their swarms. The only way was, to go down in a night gown : which I stripped off when I came out ; and, by that means, rid myself of them, by putting on my clothes.

But when I was in, methought, I walked, in a literal sense, in the Shades of Death. I was obliged, notwithstanding, to make considerable stays in this gloomy Mansion, to confess such as were ready to expire. And the whole space between the ceiling and the Taular being but three feet ; I was obliged to lie down, and stretch myself along their sides to hear their confessions : and often while I was confessing one, another expired just by my side.

The stench is most intolerable : insomuch as that there is no Slave, though ever so weak ; but will rather choose to tug at his oar, and expire under his chain, than to retire to this loathsome Hospital.

The sick Slaves defrauded of their food
There is a Chirurgeon [Surgeon] to take care of the sick. At the first setting out of the Galley, the King lays in drugs for the use of the crew; which are always very good : and therefore the Chirurgeons make money of them in the several places we arrive at : so that the persons they are intended for, have the least benefit of them.

During the sickness, the King orders each man in the room we have described, 1 lb. of fresh bread, and the same quantity of Fresh meat, and 2 oz. of rice a day. This is the Steward's province : and he discharges his duties in such a manner, that five or six campaigns make his fortune. We have frequently had in our Galley three score and ten sick men ; and the quantity of flesh allowed for that number never exceeded 20 lbs. weight, and that bad meat too: though, as I have observed, the King's allowance is 1 lb. for every man ; the rest going into his own pocket.

Once, out of curiosity, I tasted it ; and found it little better than hot water. I complained to the Chirurgeon and Steward; but [they], being great [thick] and 'commensales' [companions at table] , they connived at one another.I complained to the Officers also : but for what reason (I only guess), they did not regard me. And I have too much respect for the Captain to say, That he had any reason or interest to wink at so great a piece of injustice ; though he could, by his own authority, do these wretches justice : who often refused that water, made only more loathsome by the little quantity of meat put into it; and the little care used about it. 

I enquired of other Chaplains, Whether the same was practised aboard their Galleys ? They frankly confessed it was : but durst own no more. 



After the Campaign of 1704, I, having occasion to go to Versailles, thought myself obliged, when there, to give an account to Monsieur [Louis Phelypeaux, Comte] de Pontchartrain, one of the King's Ministers, whose particular province the Sea Affairs are. 
I offered him a short Memorial, and some Advices ; which I thought most proper to prevent the like abuses for the future. 

He was pleased to be so well satisfied, and found them so agreeable to some intimations given him before ; that he regarded my advice, and offered me his Interest. The King was pleased to order me a gratuity. I left the Warrant with Monsieur Thome, Treasurer General of the Galleys, living at the Marais du Temple, to serve as an acquittance for the several payments he has made me. 

This is a brief Account of the Galley, and the Government thereof.





WHAT SORT OF PEOPLE ARE CONDEMNED

I NOW PROCEED to shew what sort of people are condemned there. There are, in a Galley, five several sorts of people, under the notion of Slaves ; besides Seamen and Soldiers : viz. Turks, such as are called ' Faussioners,' Deserters, Criminals, and Protestants. 

TURKS:
The King buys the Turks to manage the stroke of the Oar, as I have already shewn ; and they are called ' Vogue - avants ' [Bow -oarsmen] and they, together with such as are on the seats called 'Banc du quartier', 'de la Conille', and 'les Espaliers' [Stroke oars], have the same allowance with the Soldiers. They are generally lusty strong men ; and the least unfortunate of the whole crew. They are not chained : but only wear a ring on their foot, as a badge of Slavery. 

When they arrive at any Port, they have liberty to trade. Some of them are worth 300 or 400. They frequently send money to their Wives and families : and (to the shame of Christians be it spoken ! ) there is a great deal more charity amongst them, than is to be found amongst us. 

I had taken one, called Tripoli, for my Servant. He was a most religious observer of his Law. During the Ramadan, a Feast kept by them, the first Moon of the year ; he never eat or drank from sun rising to sun setting : in spite of all the toil and fatigue of the oar, he never seemed uneasy ; though ready to faint through weakness. 

I could never so much as persuade him to take a little wine ; though I have often urged him, merely out of compassion. 

The Officers make use of no other Servants ; and they are so trusty, that they are never found out in any theft or roguery. 

If any, by chance, commit a fault ; all the Turks importune their respective masters to intercede for him with the Captain. 

If any be sick ; they are all busy about him, to do him all the kind offices in their power. They club to buy him meat, or to purchase anything that may refresh him, or do him good. 

In short, in the Galleys, one would think that the Turks and the Christians had made an exchange of principles : and that the latter had abjured the Precepts of their Saviour, and that the others had taken them up. And, accordingly, preach up Christ to a Turk in a Galley  and his answer presently is that, He had rather be transformed to a dog ; than be of a Religion that countenances so much barbarity, and suffers so many crimes. 

The story of the dying Turk I cannot omit one remarkable instance of their constancy and firm adherence to their Religion. One of them who spoke French fell sick. I found him stretched on the cable, in the place I have already described. I had done him some services : and seeing me do the duties of my function to some of his neighbours, he called me to him, and bade me farewell, telling me, That he found he could not possibly live four hours longer. 

I ventured to talk to him of GOD, our Saviour Christ, and the principles of his Religion ; and told him that ' through him alone, he was to expect Salvation.' 

I found what I said made some impression. 

Whereupon I embraced him ; and told him, I would answer for his Soul if he would renounce Mahomet, who was but an Impostor, and believe in Jesus Christ, the only Redeemer and Saviour of Mankind ; whose holy and excellent doctrine he had heard me so often preach. 

He told me, He would do what I thought fit. 

I answered, That all I desired was his consent to receive Baptism 'without which,' I told him, 'he could expect no salvation.' I explained, in a few words, the nature and design of it : and having induced him to consent, I went for some water; and secretly told the Captain what had happened. 

But, unluckily, another Turk, a friend of his (who also understood French, and had heard all that had past), whilst 1 was away, said something to my Proselyte in his own language : so that, by the time I came back, he had quite altered his resolution; in such wise that I could by no means persuade him to perform the promise he made me. 
Nay, his friend threw himself over him ; and exhorted him to continue true to the Prophet Mahomet : in spite of the Comite, who was present, and threatened severely to beat him, if he desisted not. He prevailed, in despite of all ; for the poor wretch died in my presence in his error. 

Had I understood Religion as well as I do now, I should not, in that extremity, have insisted so much on the absolute necessity of Baptism ; but, having given him a general notion of the Principles of the Christian Religion, I should have admonished him to repentance ; and to implore the Divine mercy for pardon of his sins, through the merits of Christ : and so, in saving his Soul from death, I should have hid a multitude of my own sins. The Reader, I hope, will excuse my former error. 

Though, as appears from what hath been said, the Turks on the Galleys are treated somewhat better than the Christians ; and though they be in no wise molested on the score of Religion, for, whilst Mass is a saying, they are put into the caique or long-boat, where they divert themselves by smoking and talking : yet there is not one of them, but would give all the World to be at his liberty. 

For the very name of a Galley is terrible to them : because, notwithstanding their treatment is pretty easy, yet they are Slaves during life ; unless, when they are very old and unserviceable, they meet with friends" who are willing to lay out a large sum of money for their ransom. 

Which shews how little those persons are acquainted with the affairs of that nature, who say that, There are, in the Galleys, men who would not accept of their freedom ; though it were offered them. It is just like talking of a Battle which one never saw, unless at a great distance ; or knows nothing of, but by hearsay

The peasants who evade the salt tax
Those who are called ' Faussoniers ' [deceivers'] are generally poor Peasants, who are found to buy salt in such Provinces where it is cheap, such as the country of Burgundy, or the country of Dombe. In France, what they call a Pint of Salt, weighing four pounds, costs 3s 6d. 

There are some poor peasants and their whole families, who, for want of Salt, eat no soup sometimes in a whole week : though it be their common nourishment. A man in that case, grieved to see his wife and children in a starving languishing condition, ventures to go abroad, to buy Salt in the Provinces where it is three parts in four cheaper. If  
discovered ; he is certainly sent to the Galleys. It is a very melancholy sight to see a Wife and children lament their Father; whom they see laden with chains, and irrevocably lost : and that for no other crime, but endeavouring to procure subsistence for those to whom he gave birth. 

These, indeed, are condemned only for a time ; perhaps five, six, or eight, years : but the misfortune is, that having served out their time, if they outlive it, they are still unjustly detained. For Penance, and Masses, avail nothing in this Purgatory ! Indulgences are excluded, especially if the man be unfortunately strong and robust; let his Sentence be what it will ! The King's Orders are that, when the time of the Sentence is expired, they should be set at liberty, and sent home. But in this, as in many other cases, his Orders are not duly put in execution : which, indeed, does not excuse him ! since a good Prince is obliged to have an eye on the Administration of his Ministers and Servants. 

The Deserters and Criminals in the Galleys
As for Deserters ; their sentence runs during life. Formerly they used to cut off their nose and ears : but, because they stank, and commonly infected the whole crew; they only now give them a little slit. 

Though these are inexcusable : because desertion is, upon several accounts, dangerous and base ; yet it moves one's pity, to see young men, who often happen to descend from good Families, condemned to so wretched and so miserable a life. 

Such as are condemned for Crimes, are generally 'Filous' [Pickpockets] , Sharpers, Rooks [Cheats], or Highwaymen. The most notorious Villains are [the] least daunted; and take heart soonest. They presently strike up a friendship with those of their own gang. They tell over their old rogueries, and boast of their crimes : and the greatest villain passes for the greatest hero. 

The misery they have reduced themselves to, is so far from working any amendment, that it makes them more desperate and wicked : insomuch that if any stranger chances to come aboard, though it were but a handkerchief or some such trifle, they will certainly steal it, if they can. Their common employment is to forge Titles, to engrave false Seals, and to counterfeit Handwriting : and these they sell to others as bad as themselves; that often come in, some time after, to bear them company. But though they feel no remorse ; yet they feel the Comite ! who, with a rope's end, often visits their shoulders ; but then, instead of complaining, they vomit out oaths and blasphemies enough to make a man's hair stand on end. 

There was one who, shewing me the mark the rope had made about his neck, bragged that, though he had escaped the gallows, he was not thereby grown a coward : but that, as soon as ever he had been at liberty, he had robbed the first person he met with. And that, having been taken, and brought before a Judge who knew him not; he had been only condemned to the Galleys : where, he thanked GOD ! he was sure of bread and good company, the remain-der of his days. 

It is certain, that how terrible and hard soever the usage of such may be in the Galleys : yet ft is too mild for them ! for, in spite of all the misery they endure, they are guilty of crimes too abominable to be here related. 

Over which, we shall draw a veil ; and go on to the Protestants : who are there purely because they chose rather to obey GOD than Man ; and were not willing to exchange their Souls for the gain of the World. It is not the least aggravating circumstance of their misery, to be condemned to such hellish company. They who have so great a value for the Truth of Religion as to prefer it to their worldly Interest, must be supposed to be indued with too much Virtue, not to be in pain and under concern for the open breach of its rules, and the unworthiness of its Professors. 




THE PROTESTANTS

THE PROTESTANTS, NOW on the Galleys, have been condemned thither at several times. The first were put in, after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes [October 18 1685]. The term prefixed for the fatal choice of either Abjuring their Religion, or Leaving the Kingdom, was a fortnight : and that, upon pain of being condemned to the Galleys. But this liberty, by many base artifices and unjust methods, was rendered useless, and of none effect. There were often secret orders, by the contrivance of the Clergy, to prevent their embarking ; and to hinder the selling of their substance. Their debtors were absolved by their Confessors ; when they denied [the payment of] a debt. Children were forced from their fathers' and mothers' arms ; in hopes that the tenderness of the Parent might prevail over the zeal of the Christian. They, indeed, Avere not massacred, as in Herod's time: but the blood of the Fathers was mingled with their tears. For many Ministers, who had zeal and constancy enough to brave the severest punishments, were broken alive upon Wheels, without mercy ; whenever surprised discharging the duties of their function. The Registers and Courts of Justice where the Sentences were pronounced against them are recorded ; and the Executioners of them, are lasting monuments of the bloody temper and fury of Popery. 

The Laity were forbidden, on pain of the Galleys, leaving the Kingdom, on any pretence whatsoever. But what Posterity will scarcely believe ! the Protestants of all Sexes, Ages, and Conditions, used to fly through deserts and wild impracticable ways ; they committed their lives to the mercy of the seas, and ran innumerable hazards ; to avoid either Idolatry or Martyrdom. Some escaped very happily [fortunately"] ; in spite of the vigilance of the Dragoons and Bailiffs : but a great many fell into their hands. The Prisons were filled with Confessors. 

But the saddest spectacle of all, was to see 200 men at a time, chained together, going to the Galleys; and above 100 of that number, Protestants. And what was barbarous and unjust to the last degree, was that they were obliged, when there, on pain of the Bastinado, to bow before the Host, and to hear Mass : and yet, that was the only crime for which they had been condemned thither. 

For suppose they were in the Wrong, in obstinately refusing to change their Religion ; the Galleys were the punishment ! Why then, were they required to do that, which had been the Cause of their condemnation ? Especially since there is a Law in France, that positively forbids a Double Punishment for one and the same fault, viz., Non bis punitur in idem. But in France, properly speaking, there is no Law ; Avhere the King's commands are absolute and peremptory. I have seen a General Bastinado on that account ; which I shall describe in its proper place. 

Bancilhon, Serres, and Sabattier, in the Chateau d'If.
It is certain, that though there were at first a very great number of Protestants condemned to the Galleys ; the Bastinado and other Torments hath destroyed [between 1685 and 1707] above Three parts of Four: and the most of those who are still alive are in Dungeons, as Messieurs Bancilhon, De Serres, and Sabattier, who are confined to a Dungeon at Chateau d'If ; a Fort built upon a rock in the sea, three miles from Marseilles.

 Francis Sabattier is bastinadoed. 
But the generous constancy of this last, about eight or ten months ago ['? 1706] , deserves a place in this History ; and challenges the admiration of all true Protestants. 
Monsieur [Francois] Sabattier, whose charity and zeal equal those of the Primitive Christians, having a little money, distributed it to his brethren and fellow Sufferers in the Galleys. But the Protestants being watched more narrowly than the rest ; he could not do it so secretly but he was discovered, and brought before Monsieur de Montmort, Intendant of the Galleys at Marseilles. 

Being asked ; he did not deny the fact. 

Monsieur Montmort not only promised him his Pardon : but a reward if he would declare, Who it was that had given him that money ? 

Monsieur Sabattier modestly answered that, 'He should be guilty of ingratitude before GOD and Man ; if, by any Confession he should bring them into trouble who had been so charitable to him, That his person was at his disposal : but he desired to be excused as to the secret expected from him.' 

The Intendant replied, He had a way to make him tell ; and that immediately. 

Whereupon, he sent for some Turks who, at his command, stripped Sabattier stark naked ; and beat him at several times with rope ends and cudgels during three days. And seeing this did not prevail over this generous Confessor; he himself (which never happened to an Intendant before) turned Executioner! striking him with his cane ; and telling the bystanders ' See, what a devil of a Religion this is ! ' These were his own expressions ; as is credibly reported by persons that were present. The Gazettes and Public Letters gave us an Account of the same. 

At last, seeing he was ready to expire ; he commanded him into a Dungeon where, maugre all torments, Providence hath preserved him to this day. [He was released in 1713.] 

The War in the Cevennes. 1702-05.
But though most of the Protestants of the first date are destroyed : yet the Wars in the Cevennes [1702-1705] have furnished them with more than enough to fill the vacant places. These Wars may be properly called, A Second Persecution : because the cruelty and inveterate malice of a Popish Priest was the occasion and first cause of them. 
One of the most bitter and passionate Enemies of the Protestants was the Abbot Du Chelas  whose benefice was in the Cevennes. He kept an exact account of the Protestants in his district. 
Whenever he missed them at Mass ; he used to send for them, under some pretence or other, to his house : and used to make his servants tie them (whether men, women or maidens) to a tree, stripped down to their waist ; and then, with horsewhips, [he] scourged them till the blood gushed out. 

This the Papists themselves do not deny ; who own that this Du Chelas was an ill [bad] man : and yet this his proceeding against the Protestants, being meritorious at Court, he had encouragement to hope for a reward. 

But, at last, his Protestant neighbours, perceiving there were no hopes of pacifying this Monster by submission and fair means, grew desperate: and, one night, invested his 
house. He leaped out of his window into his garden ; but not being able to get out, he begged Quarter: but, as he had never granted any, they served him in his kind, by killing him. 

And because they were sure of being pursued ; they kept the country : and, by degrees, their numbers increased. All that were tormented for not going to Mass, made a body and joined them. 

GOD blessed their Arms with success for some time : but (for good reasons, no doubt ; though unknown to us) he gave them up into the hands of their Enemies : and not only them ; but the inhabitants of the neighbouring countries, as the Vivarais and Languedoc. And [on] the bare suspicion of being in their Interest, those with whom any Arms were found, those who refused to frequent the Mass, were either hanged, or broken on the Wheel. 

1702-07. The Story of the Baron de Salgas. 
That pretended Rebellion was made use of, as a pretence, to send to the Galleys several rich Protestant Merchants. 

There is, since that time, a Gentleman, Monsieur [Francois Pelet, Baron de] Salgas by name, who, before the Repealing of the Edict of Nantes, enjoyed a plentiful estate in the Cevennes. In order to keep it ; he abjured his Religion, and promised to go to Mass. His spouse, a worthy Lady (with whom I have often conversed at Geneva, where she lives) refused : and generously rejected all proposals on that subject. 

Seeing they threatened her with a Cloister; she endeavoured to gain time : but, at last, her husband told her, That there was a positive Order from the Court to confine her, if she did not comply and go to Mass. 

This courageous Lady, who deserves to be a pattern of Piety and Zeal to Posterity, having, by prayer and other acts of devotion implored the Divine assistance, resolved to quit her country, her husband, children, and estate, and all that is dear and precious here below. 
She took her opportunity, one day, when her Husband was gone a hunting, without communicating anything of her design to anybody, but to such as were instrumental in her escape. She retired to Geneva; where she might have liberty to make an open Profession of her Religion, and bemoan the misfortune of her family. 

Some time after, the Wars of the Cevennes broke out.  

Monsieur de Salgas was accused of assisting the Camisards with provisions ; and, in spite of his hypocrisy and pretended zeal for his new Religion, he was sent to the Galleys. 
But, here, we must admire the wisdom of Providence ; very remarkable in this dispensation. For this has proved the means to open his own eyes ; and to let him see his error : as appears from the penitential Letters he writes to his friends, his Christianlike behaviour under his Sufferings, his Exhortations to his fellow Sufferers, and the noble and pious example he shews them. 

He hath had frequent offers made him, of being restored to his estate on the same conditions he had preserved it before ; but he hath hitherto been proof against all their attempts. 

He was, some years ago, put into the Hospital General for the Galleys, at Marseilles. This is a kind of Manufactory ; where their treatment is somewhat easier than in the Galleys. 

But, at the siege of Toulon [1707], he and all his brethren were taken out of that Hospital ; and reduced to their old station and former miserable condition : besides losing 12 or 14 Louis d'Or [= 12 or 14] which he had procured, to purchase such necessaries as might keep up and support his spirits under the hardships he endured. 

This account came to his Lady, while I was there [Therefore Bion was at Geneva in 1707]; who is, as one may easily imagine, under an inexpressible concern for the miseries her Husband groans under. 


Second Storm and Fury of the Bastinados. 1703.
But it is time to bring this sad Relation to a conclusion. In order whereunto, I shall, according to my promise, give an Account of the General Bastinado, at which I was present; and it was not the least means of my Conversion. GOD grant that it may be effectual to my Salvation ! 

In the year 1703, several Protestants out of Languedoc and the Cevennes, were put on board our Galley. 

They were narrowly watched and observed. 

I was mightily surprised, one Sunday morning, after saying Mass on the Bancasse (a table so placed, that all in the Galley may see the Priest when he elevates the Host) to hear the Comite say, He was going to give the Huguenots the Bastinado ; because they did not kneel, nor show any respect to the mysteries of the Mass : and that he was going to acquaint the Captain therewith. 

The very name of Bastinado terrified me : and, though I had never seen this fearful Execution, I begged the Comite to forbear till the next Sunday ; and that, in the mean time, I would endeavour to convince them of what I (then) thought their duty, and mine own. 

Accordingly, I used all the means I could possibly think of, to that effect : sometimes making use of fair means, giving them victuals and doing them some good offices ; sometimes using threats, and representing the torments that were designed them ; and often urging the King's command, and quoting the passage of St. Paul that, He who resists the Higher Powers, resists GOD ! 

I had not, at that time, any design to oblige them to do anything against their Consciences. I must confess, that what I did, at that time, chiefly proceeded from a motive of pity and tenderness. 

This was the cause of my zeal : which had been more fatal to them ; had not GOD endued them with resolution and virtue sufficient to bear up against my arguments, and the terrible Execution they had in view. 

I could not but admire, at once both the modesty of their Answers and greatness of their Courage. ' The King ' said they, ' is indeed Master over our Bodies ; but not of our Consciences ! ' 

At last, the dreadful day being come ; the Comite narrowly observed them to see the fruit of my labours. There were only Two, out of the Twenty, that bowed their knee to Baal. 
The rest generously refused it : and were accordingly, by the Captain's Command, served in the manner following. 

Here, like another AEneas (with regret calling to mind the miseries and ruin of his own country, the very memory whereof struck his Soul with horror), I may truly say, Infandum Regina jubes renovare dolorem! 

In order to the Execution, every man's chains were taken off; and they were put into the hands of four Turks: who stripped them stark naked, and stretched them upon the Coursier, the Great Gun we have described in the Preface. There they are so held that they cannot so much as stir. During that time there is a horrid silence throughout the whole Galley. It is so cruel a scene that the most profligate obdurate wretches cannot bear the sight : but are forced to turn away their eyes. 

The victim thus prepared, the Turk pitched upon to be the Executioner, with a tough cudgel or knotty rope's end, unmercifully beats the poor wretch ; and that too the more willingly, because he thinks that it is acceptable to his Prophet, Mahomet. 

But the most barbarous thing of all is, that, after the skin is flayed off their bones, the only balsam they apply to their wounds is a mixture of Vinegar and Salt. After this, they are thrown into the [Galley's] Hospital already described. 

The Bastinados convert Bion to Protestantism. 
I went thither, after the Execution ; and could not refrain from tears at the sight of so much Barbarity. They quickly perceived it ; and, though scarce able to speak through pain and weakness, they thanked me for the com-passion I expressed ; and the kindness I had always shewn them. 

I went with a design to administer some comfort ; but I was glad to find them less moved than I was myself. 

It was wonderful, to see with what true Christian Patience and Constancy they bore their torments ! in the extremity of their pain, never expressing anything like rage ; but calling upon Almighty GOD, and imploring his assistance. 

I visited them, day by day ; and, as often as I did, my Conscience upbraided me for persisting so'long in a Religion ; whose capital Errors I had long before perceived: and, above all, that inspired so much Cruelty ; a temper directly opposite to the Spirit of Christianity. At last, their wounds, like so many mouths, preached to me, made me sensible of my Error, and experimentally taught me the excellency of the Protestant Religion. 

But it is high time to conclude ; and draw a Curtain over this horrid scene ; which presents us with none but ghastly sights and transactions, full of Barbarity and Injustice : but which all shew how false what they pretend in France is, for detaining the Protestants in the Galleys, viz., That they do not suffer there, upon a Religious, but a Civil account; being condemned for Rebellion and Disobedience. 

The Punishments inflicted on them, when they refuse to adore the Host ; the rewards and advantages offered them, on their compliance in that particular ; are a sufficient Argument against them : there being no such offers made to such who are condemned for Crimes. It shows the World also, the almost incredible Barbarity used against the French Protestants; and, at the same time, sets off, in a most glorious manner, their Virtue, Constancy, and Zeal for their holy Religion. 

FINIS. 


Tuesday, 16 June 2015

The Protestant galley slaves (cont.)

If you were to see me in my fine Galley Slave habit, you would be ravished with admiration!  I have a fine little red Jacket, made just after the fashion of the Carriers' Frocks of the Ardennes. ...I have likewise a fine red Cap, two pairs of Breeches, two Shirts with threads as big as my finger, and Stockings.
[Letter of the Huguenot convict Louis de Marolles to his wife from Marseilles]


Writings of the Protestant convicts and their circulation 

As David van der Linden has recently emphasised,  publicity for the plight of the forçats pour la foi was sustained among the Huguenot exiles by the exchange of letters with the captives.  Ministers like Pierre Jurieu and Jacques Basnage acted as "memory brokers" collecting tales of the Protestant galley slaves which highlighted their suffering as "confessors to the faith". The correspondence which individual smuggled out to their pastors in exile often formed the basis for publications.  Thus the letters of Louis de Marolles were turned into a history by Isaac Jacquelot in 1699;  Etienne Girard, a minister in exile in Utrecht,  wrote a "history of the sufferings" of his former parishioner  Isaac Le Fèvre  and the pastor Jean Morin wrote a life of Elias Neau (1662-1722).   Both these last were printed in Rotterdam by Jurieu's publisher Abraham Acher.(p.190).  English translations of the material rapidly followed.

David van der Linden Experiencing Exile: Huguenot Refugees in the Dutch Republic, 1680–1700 (2015), p.187-90.
https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=g1tLBgAAQBAJ&pg=187#v=onepage&q&f=false

A number of key texts in English are conveniently gathered in Edward Arber, The Torments of Protestant slaves in the French King's galleys, and in the dungeons of Marseilles 1686-1707 A.D. [London 1908]
https://archive.org/details/tormentsofprotes00arbeuoft


 Louis de Marolles and Isaac Le Fèvre

 The earliest testimonies came from members of the Protestant elite, caught up in the immediate aftermath of the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes.  Marolles, a Conseiller du Roi and amateur mathematician, and Isaac Le Fèvre, an advocate were both captured attempting to flee France.  They remained obdurate in the face of attempts to induce them to escape the galleys by abandoning their faith.(In a poignant letter to his wife from La Tournelle Marolles recounts how he lay aside his hat to be chained about the neck).  In Marseille, in the convict hospital and aboard the galley, they at first enjoyed a certain amount of privilege and contact with the outside world; in particular both were invited to attend disputations at the Bishop's residence.  Soon afterwards they were separately imprisoned,  Marolles specifically because of his contacts with Holland; no doubt the presence of such cultured and articulate men among the forçats - and the attention they threatened to attract abroad  -  were a considerable embarrassment to the Catholic authorities.  The cruel solution taken was simply to abandon them in prison.   Marolles - who enjoyed mathematical puzzles and was prepared to argue the case against transubstantiation with senior members of the Catholic hierarchy - leaves a sad chronicle of endurance in his letters;  malnourished, almost naked and confined in the dark and damp, he finally died in 1692, followed by  Le Fèvre in 1702.  "I continually give thanks to God", he wrote, "for the honour which he hath done me, in no thinking me unworthy to suffer for his Name's sake".

Illustration from J.Morin's A Short
 Account of the Life and Sufferings of Elias Neau
  
(London 1749).  See Kamil, p.403
Elias Neau, "the galley preacher"

Elias Neau was another well-to-do Huguenot, whom unlucky chance condemned to the galleys. Originally from La Rochelle, Neau had fled to Boston and successfully rebuilt his career as a merchant, but was captured by a French privateer on a return voyage from London to New York. When asked at his trial to choose between "death or the Mass" Neau, in a moment of personal crisis, decided to follow his conscience and chose "chains".  He arrived in Marseilles - significantly enough on the day of Pentecost -  and during six years as a galérien made himself a focal point for resistance among the Huguenots, so much so that he attracted the epithet of "the galley preacher" He was a determined man; when placed in solitary confinement on board ship he continued to bellow out hymns and psalms through the grill. Finally in 1694 he was taken ashore, incarcerated in a series of prisons and eventually ended up in the Château d'If. His Bible remained with him, saved quasi-miraculously from repeated searches. He was held under horrendous conditions, first in a tiny cell the size of his own body, then with three Camisard prisoners;  Neau's account no doubt advisedly, resemble a description of Hell:

 I verily believe there is no more dismal place in the world....all our senses were attacked at once; sight by darkness, taste by hunger, smell by the stench of the place, feeling by Lice and other vermin, and hearing by the horrid blasphemies and cursing.....

Disseminated in English in Cotton Mather's translation  as A present from a Farr Country Neau's letters, with their quasi-mystical emphasis on the sacrificial nature of Christ's love, are still appreciated today.  Neau describes his spiritual rebirth in the "Burning Furnace" of his dungeon." His "constant prayer" was that God would grant him "pleasure in this pain, in oppression and persecution".  Thus his persecutors deprived him of all human relief, but God offered him the opportunity to reshape himself in conformity with Christ.  

 Neau was eventually released in 1697 and rejoined his wife and two children in New York where he later opened a school for escaped negro slaves.

On Neau: 
Catherine Randall, From a far country: Camisards and Huguenots in the Atlantic world. (University of Georgia Press, 2011) , p.101-10
https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=sdmnYJxQp9cC&pg=PA101

Neil Kamil, Fortress of the Soul: Violence, Metaphysics, and Material Life in the Huguenots' New World, 1517-1751(2005)  p.402-8.
https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=ekSkZXXjVWUC&pg=PA402


Règlements of 1699

As well aid, the convicts at an early date to created a rudimentary religious organisation to sustain their spiritual resistance.  Soiled devotional books and manuscript copies of prayers circulated, and there was an understanding that silent intercession should be joined when the cannon sounded nine o'clock to mark the end of the day.  A text survives from 1699 in which a group of convicts, acknowledging the inspiration of Neau,  set out regulations for a devotional society offering "mutual support and encouragement"; it is signed by men with Camisard names (Serres, Domouyn, Pelecuer, Valette, Allix, Bancillon, Pereau, Masseton, Maurin, Gonin, Lardant) 

As they were without pastors, those who were educated were to act as deacons and spiritual guides,  teaching others to read and instructing them in the faith.  They were also charged with exhortations to steadfastness, and to record examples of "faith, patience, courage and piety".

For this text:
Règlements faits sur les galères de France par les confesseurs qui souffrent pour la vérité de l'Evangile (1699)
http://icp.ge.ch/po/cliotexte/sites/Arisitum/cdf/galere1.html


Affaire des bonnets 1703

Following the Treaty of Ryswick in 1697, the Protestant galériens were victims of a particular sadistic bout of persecution.  Up to this time Protestants were not compelled to take part in Catholic worship, but now the missionaries insisted that the chained gang remove their bonnets during mass, save for the Turks.  Refusal  resulted in a systematic campaign of whippings that left several men dead.  Faced with indignation from the Protestant powers, Louis XIV was compelled to issue orders reining in the brutalities.

TEXTS:
After the Peace of Ryswick, the Missionaries undertook to force the Protestant Slaves, while Mass as saying, to kneel with their Heads uncovered, and observe the same Posture of Devotion with the Roman Catholics.  To succeed in this, they found no great Trouble in bringing over to their Interests Mr. Bonbelle, Major General of the Gallies, a Man possessed of all the Spirit of inquisitorial Persecution.  It was resolved between them, that everyone of the Reformed should undergo the Bastinade till he should comply, and promise to kneel while Mass was saying.  to make all more sure, and more methodical, it was also determined that the Major should being the first Day with one of the Gallies, the next with another, and so on till all was gone through and then he was to renew the Punishment till he forced a Compliance, or till the Slave should expire under the Lash.  Bonbelle began his bloody Business, and executed his Commands without Mercy.
His brutal Manner of exhorting them to a Compliance is remarkable enough.  Dog (he used to say) fall on you Knees, and in this Posture if you won't pray to God - pray to the Devil if you will, for what I care.  All who were thus inhumanly treated, persisted in their courageous Resolution without shrinking; and while the Executioner was mangling their Bodies, seemed with unfeeling Serenity to give their Maker Praise for this Trial of their Constancy.(Memoirs of Jean Marteilhe, p.162-3;
https://archive.org/stream/memoirsaprotest00martgoog#page/n160/mode/2up)

Arber, Torments of Protestant slaves, p.274ff reproduces a number of letters, plus the petition drawn up by the convicts to the Intendant of the Galleys in Marseilles.

Monday, 15 June 2015

The Protestant galley slaves





According to André Zysberg, in the period between the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes and the end of the War of the Spanish Succession, 5%  of convicts entering the galley fleet in Marseilles were Huguenots and Camisards - 600 out of a total of 12,000 convicts at any one time. (The figure dropped to 1% after 1716).  In all 1,550 Protestants are recorded in the Marseille registers. The pattern of their arrival mirrored the peaks of Louis XIV's policy of repression against the Huguenots:the Revocation itself, the start of the War of the League of Augsburg (1690), the Peace of Ryswick in 1697 and the Revolt of the Camisards in the early 18th century.  They were condemned according to the provisions of the Edict of Fontainbleau:  22%  for attempting to leave the country, 53% for illegally gathering in "Churches of the Desert", 11% for possession of firearms or gunpowder and 1% for sheltering a pastor.

The Huguenot galley slaves are commemorated in the Musée du Désert in Anduze in the Gard. The museum's website has a comprehensive A-Z listing of names of those persecuted.  Building on the work started by Gaston Tournier in the 1940s, they have amassed over 2,700 biographies. (This is getting on for twice Zysberg's number, a discrepancy not entirely explained, even if not all those condemned actually ended up in Marseilles).


Gallery and memorial in the Musée du Désert



Contemporary lists and accounts  give a little more sense of the reality behind the numbers. According to the former galley chaplain Jean Bion, Protestants entered Marseille in the chain gang a hundred at a time but by 1707 less than a quarter survived - and many of those who remained  languished in the dungeons of the Château d'If and other prisons.  A "True and Exact List" published in 1698 gives the disposition of some 350 Protestants,  dispersed a dozen or so to each galley.  According to Jean Marteilhe, there were twenty-two Huguenots aboard the six galleys of the Atlantic fleet at the fall of Dunkirk in 1712 and forty on the flagship La Réale in Marseille.  He reports that in 1714 lists were drawn up of "upward of three hundred" Protestants in Marseille in the wake of  diplomatic pressure from Britain for a general amnesty.  Despite these initiatives - and the fact that many Huguenots  were able eventually to buy their freedom  - in 1755 a list of "Protestants who are now actually slaves aboard the French Gallies" could still muster fifty names.  The very last forçats pour la foi - Paul Achard, aged 72 and Antoine Riaille 64, unaccountably omitted for lists,  were finally released in 1775, both having served over thirty years as bagnards.


Museum and lists of names:

 Musée du Désert - Virtual visit (galley slave memorial and memorabilia)
http://passcevennes.com/musee-du-desert/

" Les Galériens Protestants" on on the Musée du Désert website:
http://www.museedudesert.com/article35.html

The genealogical site, "Huguenots de France et d'ailleurs" is also preparing a database of Protestant galley slaves:
http://huguenots-france.org/france/galeres/galeres.htm

Athanase Coquerel, Les forçats pour la foi, étude historique (1684-1775) (1866)
https://archive.org/stream/lesforcatspourla00coqu#page/262/mode/2up
This older study has a list by year

See also:
"Sentenced to the galleys"  article in Virtual Museum of Protestantism
http://www.museeprotestant.org/en/notice/sentenced-to-the-galleys/

Contemporary lists: 
A true and exact list of the French Protestants, slaves on board the French Galleys, for adhering to the Profession of the Protestant Religion [July 1698]
https://archive.org/stream/tormentsofprotes00arbeuoft#page/270/mode/2up

List of 1755
https://archive.org/stream/memoirsaprotest00martgoog#page/n240/mode/2up

Thursday, 11 June 2015

Galériens on the Fleur de Lis (galley of 1690)





This impressive (and rather frightening) virtual reconstruction of a galley being rowed is the work of Gérard Delacroix, a specialist in marine archaeology, who has pioneered the application of CAD to the recreation of historic ships.

His lavishly illustrated books combine detailed plans and drawings with photographs of scale models. The 1690 Marseille galley Fleur de Lis was among his most ambitious publications/projects. A model, built to Delacroix's specifications by Bruno Rimlinger, was on view at the annual conference and exhibition of the Association "Archéologie et Modélisme de l'Arsenal" held at Vazerac in 2014:




References
Prospectus for the book:


For a description of the mechanism of rowing, see Richard Mowery Andrews Law, Magistracy, and Crime in Old Regime Paris, 1735-1789: Volume 1 (1994),, based on André Zysberg's account:



Tuesday, 9 June 2015

The galley slaves of Marseilles



La Réale rentrant au port (Anonymous, after 1694)
Musée national de la Marine, Paris


It comes as some surprise to learn that penal servitude in the royal galley fleet  was a reality in Ancien régime France until as late as the 1770s.  An increasing anachronism in 18th century warfare, galleys survived surprisingly late into the 18th century. The zenith of the war galley as an instrument of French naval hegemony in the western Mediterranean was in the 1690s, when the royal fleet based in Marseilles numbered up to forty vessels (There was also a small fleets in Dunkirk, Brest and Bordeaux). In 1699 the Arsenal at Marseilles was rebuilt and extended. The galleys were a symbol of French royal power, as is clear from the magnificent decorations of the lead galley, La Réale, preserved today in the Musée de la marine in Paris. The royal galley was a piece of Baroque theatre; according to Nicolas Arnoul, Louis XIV's intendant of the fleet, it was "a triumphal chariot, with 300 chained slaves; Roman emperors could not boast as much" (cited by André Zysberg)   Followed the War of Spanish Succession, from 1719 to 1738 a dozen or so galleys were maintained of which only six to eight were operational.  The Regent's legitimised natural son Jean Philippe d'Orléans was given the post in 1719 of Général des galères, which he held until his death in 1748  - an appointment which no doubt contributed to the continued  nominal existence of the fleet.  The last campaign in which galleys were involved took place under his command in the summer of 1747.  On 27 November 1748 Louis XV finally signed the order which formally disbanded the fleet and merged its personnel into the navy.  The majority of convicts were shifted elsewhere, chiefly to Brest, the chief base of the Atlantic fleet.  In 1779 there were only two galleys remaining in Marseilles and four in Toulon.  The very last galley of France, la Ferme, was broken up in 1814.


http://www.musee-marine.fr/content/ornements-de-poupe-de-la-galere-reale

The Peine des Galères

The concept of "penal servitude" in the galleys was laid down relatively late in the galleys' history.   "La peine des galères", with the double meaning of punishment and hard labour,  was not institutionalised in law until 1670 to 1690;  up to this period, galleys had been manned on a fairly ad hoc basis by Muslim slaves, deserters from the royal army, vagabonds and gypsies, and criminals whose death sentences had been commuted.  Slaves, particularly Turks from central Europe, continued to provide about 20% of the galériens. The Criminal Ordinance of 1670 for the first time set fixed term sentences to the galleys (three, five, nine years) as penalities for grand criminel offences in royal courts - bailliages, presidials, and the  Parlement -and made life in the galleys an alternative sentence for many capital offences. Further laws in May 1680, June 1722 and August 1729 made a term of servitude in the galleys the mandatory penalty for smuggling and the illicit sale of salt, tobacco and painted fabrics. During the reign of Louis XIV prisoners were often kept beyond their sentence, but under the Regency sentences were strictly adhered to.


The decline of the fleet did not mean an end to "la peine des galères" as punishment -  far from it. The convicts were merely diverted onto servitude in port of Marseilles, where they worked both in the Arsenal, the prison factory and contracted out to employers in the town. After 1748 this organisation was taken over and adapted in the bagnes (dockyard penal compounds), notably the notorious Bagne at Brest. According to Richard Mowery Andrews, the regiment which developed in the galleys and the bagnes provided a model for later penitentiaries. The modern prison was not "born" in the late 18th century, as Michel Foucault has argued, but in the galleys : "the progenitive form of the modern French penitentiary... were the royal war galleys at Marseilles". (Andrews, Law, Magistracy and Crime p.316)



Who were the galley slaves?



In 1989 André Zysberg  published a monumental study of the Marseilles galériens using the (then) pioneering technics of computerised data analysis to examine detailed records, preserved in the Toulon archives,  of 60,000 convicts registered between 1680 and 1748. The numbers involved were huge,  suggesting an average of 870 entering the system each year. In the early 18th-century, there were some 12,000 convicts at any one time,  represented a sixth of the total population of Marseilles.  40% of the men were sentenced by the royal courts or condemned to the galleys for vagabondage and mendicancy; 30% were smugglers ; 25% were deserters from the army (until 1716 when  the figure dropped to 5%  due to the re-imposition of a mandatory death penalty for desertion) 



Here is André Zysberg in a TV programme from 1978, examining the registers. Many of those convicted were guilty of pitifully minor crimes - the theft of spoons and forks, or of a cow  In addition about 5% were Huguenots, though this figure declined to 1% after 1716.

The chain gangs.
 The great chain gangs on their way to the galleys in Marseilles were a conspicuous and minatory sight on the roads of  Ancien régime France.   Prisoners  from all over France converged on Paris, Rennes and Bordeaux, where the Grandes Chaînes were formed,  heavily armed convoys of between 250 and 400 men.  In Paris the chain gangs left twice a year from the notorious fortress prison of La Tournelle on the Left Bank, taking the main route to Dijon via Auxerre and Montbard, as far as  Chalon. They were then transported in open barges down the Saône and Rhône to Avignon. The final 70 miles over the hills of Provence were completed on foot. More than 300 miles were covered in a month or so, at a forced pace of 15 miles a day, each man burdened with 40 pounds of iron around his necks and ankles. Many perished en route.

On arrival at the Arsenal in Marseilles, the convict was entered in the registers (with physical description) and given a number by clerks, then thoroughly inspected by physicians and officers.  If deemed fit to row, he was unchained and taken aboard a training galley.  He was stripped naked and his head shaved; issued with the uniform of the galérien, the infamous red stocking cap, blue shirt and knee-length kilt, rough red stockings and long heavy winter cape.  He went barefoot except when detailed to work ashore.  He constantly wore a leg fetter and chain aboard the galley.


Life on board the galleys



Jean-Baptiste de La Rose, Arsenal des galères de la ville de Marseille, 1666 
 Marseilles, Musée de la Marine
The chiourme, or company of chained oarsmen, lived in their galleys all year long, even in the "dead season" from October to April, when the fleet was anchored in the inner harbour of Marseilles.  In winter they slept on the deck under a huge canvas covering.  Many died of cold - 3,000 in the winter of 1709-10.  On board space was unimaginably constricted. 450 soldiers galériens  and crew, with all their equipment, munitions and stores, were packed into a vessel which measured a mere 49 yards long by 10 yards wide.  There was a cargo hold divided into twelve compartments, an elevated stern deck which contained the officers' quarters and the main deck filled by the rowing benches.  In addition, soldiers, sailors and cannons  were housed on or under the raised prow deck.  

There were typically 260 oarsmen - twenty-six benches, with five rowers to each oar. Each man was given a station according to his relative strength; often Turkish slaves held the most onerous positions.  Each bench was seven feet long and six inches wide, with a slanted back and foot planks on the back for the rowers on the bench behind.  The oarsmen moved shoulder to shoulder, completing one stroke every three seconds.  In calm seas they could achieve the considerable speed of five nautical miles an hour.  Only cutting sugar cane or mining were remotely comparably in the expenditure of human energy.  The exhausting regime was prey to the petty tyrannies of the comites or overseers, who were free with the lash and open to corruption.  Like all prisons of the Ancien régime, peculation was rife among the petty officers and prisoners with access to funds could significantly improve their lot, gaining more rations or a better placement on the rowing bench. In 1703 it was estimated that about one-third of the galley slaves did not leave the port because they had bribed the officers.  "Everything was for sale" remarks André Zysberg, "even freedom itself".

Like the forced labour of later centuries, on the galleys a fine balance was maintained between punishment and the need to preserve sufficient strength to work.  Rations were minimally adequate - a pound-and-a-half of wheat bread, bean soup, olive oil and a litre of red wine.  Each galley had a surgeon, small infirmary and medical stores - though as the memoirs of Protestant convert Jean Bion attest, conditions for the sick on board the galleys could be truly appalling.  The Royal Hospital in the Arsenal was an advanced facility by the standards of the day - heated, well-ventilated, with 175 available beds.  Almost half of convicts died during their servitude  - most of infections and cold, and most within the first three years -  a figure which remained constant in war and in the period of peace and work in the Arsenal between 1716 and 1748. 

On the galleys of Louis Quartorze, rehabilitation remained a goal for the next life rather than this. On ceremonial occasions galley slaves were expected to provide archaic howls of despair to denote their condition as lost souls in a captive body. A resident chaplain, usually drawn from the Lazarists of St Vincent de Paul  led prayers morning and evening on board the galley, celebrated mass on Sundays and attended to spiritual welfare.



In the port of Marseilles

During the winter months, between October and April, when the galleys came into port, the convicts worked in the Arsenal or were contracted to the artisans and merchants of Marseilles.  At the apogee of the system some two thousand men, chained in pairs, came daily into the town to work.  They were concentrated mainly in the soap factories of the Rue Sainte  and Place aux Huiles and in the sugar refineries.   Leather goods and clothes were also made on board ship.  Contracts were usually controlled by the petty officers who paid the convicts piece rates, but it was also possible for the oarsmen themselves to amass money for raw materials such as cotton and silk thread.  The rive Neuve of the Arsenal, where the convicts produced goods as artisans and operated small dockside shops and stalls constituted a thriving and cosmopolitan market area.


The cheap labour of the galley slaves was critically important to the Marseilles economy.  In 1702 rules were negotiated by the guilds and corporations with the officers of the galleys to regulate hire, salary and rights of the galériens; at this time no less than seventy-seven merchants and craftsmen, representing all the corporations of Marseilles, were involved in the use of convict labour.

18th-century print of the Arsenal after Jacques Rigaud (1681-1754)
One of a set of 4 prints depicting the galleys of  Marseilles - sold by Vasari in December 2014
http://www.vasari-auction.com/html/fiche.jsp?id=4485077&np=2&lng=fr&npp=20&ordre=&aff=2&r=%20The%20Galley
 

As the number of galleys at sea declined in the 18th century, work ashore became increasingly important.  The royal Arsenal in Marseilles, expanded significantly at the beginning of the 18th century, is reckoned as  "possibly the largest factory in France".  Inside its walled enclave was the armory of the fleet, plus  docks, construction and repair yards, and a vast complex of foundaries, ateliers and warehouses, reckoned to employ several thousand men - artisans, salaried or piece-rate workers as well as  convicts. A brigade of four hundred galériens were assigned permanently to hard labour in the docks, added to by oarsmen in the off-season.


Plan of the Marseille Arsenal: http://desinroc.free.fr/chrono2/galere.html

The decline in numbers of galleys, from fifteen in 1720 to just six in 1748, meant that labour at the Arsenal became the principal form of punishment for most convicts.  The Marseilles bagne or penitentiary factory was created in 1700 on the initiative of Phelypeaux de Pontchartrain, then Secretary of State for the Navy.  One to two thousand prisoners deemed unfit to row served out their sentence there, producing textiles for the fleet.  Work was contracted out to a consortia of Marseilles merchants, who received a subvention for each convict worker and paid them a small wage.  The bagne was administered by the intendant of the galleys, with the state providing  food and clothing, guards and medical care.  The accommodation - a long, barrack-like, two-story building - prefigured subsequent compounds at Brest, Rochfort and Toulon.  On the ground floor was an immense factory space, where convicts were fettered to their work tables,whilst on the second floor the dormitory could accommodate perhaps 2,000 chained inmates. The justification of the system by Benigne du Trousset d'Hericourt, the last intendant of the galleys, expresses the full Enlightenment agenda or utility and reform: "The establishment of the bagne factory is useful to the State and to the galleys in several ways; it provides for manufacturing, it forms workers, it occupies and instructs convicts with term sentences so that once their sentences are served they know a trade and can earn a living, it furnishes uniforms for the oarsmen at no expense to the State". (quoted by André Zysberg)


References


André Zysberg
Les Galériens du roi - vies et destins de 60 000 forçats sur les galères de France : 1680-1748 (1987)
There are no extracts from the book available on the internet, but you can hear André Zysberg discuss his principal conclusions in this episode of Apostrophes from 1987:
http://www.ina.fr/video/CPB87009596

See also:  Richard Mowery Andrews Law, Magistracy, and Crime in Old Regime Paris, 1735-1789: Volume 1 (1994), p.316-30.
http://www.amazon.co.uk/Magistracy-Crime-Regime-Paris-1735-1789/dp/0521361699


Monday, 8 June 2015

The Hermione arrives at Yorktown


The Frigate L'Hermione sails the seas in the cause of freedom once more!

Arriving at Yorktown on Friday 5th June http://www.yorkcounty.gov/hermioneyorktown/Home.aspx

In 1780 the frigate L'Hermione ferried Lafayette to Boston with a declaration of French support for the American insurgents.

Thanks to injections of modern US cash, a beautiful replica of the ship has been created in the historic dockyard of the Arsenal de Rochefort.  Launched into the Charente on 6th July 2012, in April of this year she embarked on her maiden voyage, retracing Lafayette's original route.  This weekend she  arrived at her first port of call in Yorkdown, and will make her way up the Eastern seaboard stopping at Philadelphia, Boston and Baltimore.



See
L'Hermione website:
http://www.hermione2015.com/
Facebook page:
La frégate Hermione Lafayette
https://www.facebook.com/pages/La-fr%C3%A9gate-Hermione-Lafayette/185262083157

Feature on the Poitou-Charentes Tourism blog.
http://www.visit-poitou-charentes.com/en/Poitou-Charentes-Blog/News-Offers/The-Frigate-Hermione-making-waves-across-the-Atlantic



Sunday, 7 June 2015

"Foudroyant", "Terrible", "Merveilleux" - naming warships in 18th-century France

 Here is a nice piece of  maritime trivia: an article on the significance of the names given to ships in the French navy in the course of the 18th century.



A total of 1376 French naval ships and frigates were launched between 1661 and 1815, with 969 different names. (The study encompasses 862 of them.) Names might be either nouns or adjectives. By tradition ships-of-the-line were given  masculine names and frigates feminine ones, Ships were more likely to be given proper names. Names were often mythological  but rarely religious in reference.  Four principal themes can be discerned: the sea itself, its navigation and dangers; war, the sovereign power, and geography.


1. Names relating to the sea

Unsurprisingly, names relating to the sea constituted a continuous theme: Marin and Pélican belonged to the 17th-century fleet; the first French ship to bear the name Océan was launched in 1756. Under Louis XIV ships were readily given names evoking their qualities and handling (Adroit, Ardent,Excellent, Léger, Prompt).  These disappeared  for ships of the line in the Regency but became common for frigates, reflecting their new prominence in naval tactics. Swiftness was evoked by names associated with  flight (Oiseau, Hirondelle, Aigrette). Mythological names, with marine associations accounted for 145 vessels and were more or less bellicose according to period, among them; thus Neptune, Néréide, Nymphe, Amphitrite, Protée, Thétis, Jason and Argonaute.  No less than six different vessels bore the name Trident.  Another category related to the heavens (Lune, Etoile, Vénus, Astrée, Pléide) and the winds (Aquilon, Borée, Eole, Zéphir).  Marine hazards could be evoked directly (Ecueil, Orage, Tourbillon) or by mythological reference (Sirène, Méduse); so too, names associated with chance and magic, whether  the vagaries of weather or the fortunes of war (Destin, Fortune, Hasard, Circé, Médée, MagicienneFée).


2. Names relating to war

Fighting ships were naturally given names which evoked aggression, courage and power. Suitable animals -  Aigle, Lion, Tigre and Dragon - were commonly chosen, again throughout the period; Faucon was a 17th-century ship, whereas Léopard and Panthère appeared for the first time in the 18th.  Bellicose qualities - Brave, Conquérant, Foudroyant, Invincible, Terrible Tonnant, Puissant  Redoubtable - and warlike mythical figures - Hercule, Achille, as well as Diane, Médée and Hermione - were again often chosen.  The frequency of warlike references depended on the policy of the time.  The resumption of shipbuilding in the Regency from 1719 to 1725 heralded mythological names such as Phénix,  Ferme, Espérance and Solide  which expressed the regime's aspiration towards peaceful reconstruction.  On the other hand bellicose names increased  after the Seven Years War as naval conflict escalated in importance; unsurprisingly such names are associated particularly with heavily-armed ships-of-the-line. The Republic favoured Roman war warriors such as Brutus, Cato, Trajan and Timoleon, or names which were straightforwardly agressive (Canonnière, Furieuse, Guerrière).



3. Names relating to sovereignty 

These represented only 42 of the names studied, but constituted a continuous theme throughout the period.  Under the Ancien régime, attributes of kingship were often chosen: Couronne Diadème, sceptre, Fleur de Lys.  The fleet of Louis XIV boasted a Favori and a Courtisan. Royal names also featured: five vessels between 1666 and 1738 were called the Bourbon; there was also the Royal Dauphin and the Royal Louis and, for Louis XV, Le Bien Aimé.   The birth of the duc de Bourgogne was marked by the renaming of a vessel  under construction at Rochefort.  Between 1703 and 1715 there was a Toulouse for the Admiral of France; under the Regency, a Duc d'Orléans for the Regent and an Elisabeth for  his motherAs late as 1783 Les deux frères referred to Louis XVI's brothers who had financed the ship.  The Royal orders of Saint-Michel and Saint-Esprit also furnished the names for half a dozen different vessels.


Comparatively few ships were named after individuals other than the royal family.  It was not until 1786 that a naval heroes began to be honoured; Duquesne was the first, followed by Tourville, Jean Bart and Duguay-Trouin in 1787 and 1788. The Revolution honoured its martyrs - Marat, Barra, Viala, and favoured defenders of liberty Franklin, Guillaume Tell, Jean-Jacques Rousseau.

During the Revolution and the Empire the fleet expanded and lost vessels were constantly replaced, with  269 ships and frigates launched between 1791 and 1814. Ships changed their names rapidly, often up to five times. Over half the names of both ships and frigates were used for the first time in the period.  Naturally in the Republic imposed its own political agenda:Monarque, Majestueux, Couronne  gave way to Indivisible, Jacobin, Convention, Révolution, even Tyrannicide The Etats de Bourgogne became the Montagne; Majestueux, became Républicain; Couronne, first Révolution, then Ça ira.  Crowns and sceptres were temporarily replaced by the Cocarde and the Pique. Frigates included an Incorruptible and a Régénérée. (Sadly Napoleon soon reinstated the regal references, with the addition of the Impérial...)

.
4. Names relating to places and geographical features

Before 1671 twenty or so vessel were named after provinces or recently acquired territories. However, in Louis XIV's reorganised navy 65 out of 83 vessels were rebaptised. The names tied the navy more closely to the Crown, either by their direct association with royalty or by the replacement of references to private individuals and localities with more generic names. Geographical names were only reinstated  after the Seven Years War when, at Choiseul's instigation, French regions and corps began to finance the building of particular ships.Eighteen such ships were built between 1761 and 1766, ten of which had names referring to their donors.  A similar strategy was employed after the American War of Independence, giving rise to ships named Commerce de Bordeaux (1784), Commerce de Marseille (1783) and even Etats de Bourgogne (1786).


In the Imperial period geographical references returned but in a different spirit - they now largely commemorated Napoleon's land battles and annexed territories.


References

Taken from:
Acerra Martine. "La symbolique des noms de navires de guerre dans la marine française (1661-1815) Histoire, économie et société. 1997, 16(1)  pp. 45-61.
http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/hes_0752-5702_1997_num_16_1_1934

For lists of the names:
Wikipedia.fr:  Liste des vaisseaux français
hhttp://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liste_des_vaisseaux_fran%C3%A7ais

Les états abrégés de la marine française (1669-1772)
http://www.netmarine.net/bat/listes/etatabreges/index.htm

See also: Highlights of the Musée de la Marine, Paris
http://www.patrimoine-histoire.fr/Patrimoine/Paris/Paris-Musee-de-la-Marine.htm

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