Sunday, 28 December 2014

On the subject of champagne ...and oysters

This famous picture of a post-hunt oyster lunch by Jean-François de Troy, dated 1735 and now in musée Condé Chantilly, was originally commissioned for Louis XV’s private dining room.  It is probably the first painting to depict the drinking of champagne; if you look closely, you can see the cork mid-air. The man who opened the bottle is still holding the knife that was used to cut the string that held the cork in place. In these early days of champagne, glasses were drunk in a big gulp and then turned over in a bowl to allow the sediment to drain out. (A technique for ridding the fizzy wine of troublesome sediment was only perfected by Veuve Clicquot in the 19th century).


Amy Azzarito, "Past & present: Champagne" on DesignSponge [website]

"Le déjeuner d'huîtres de Jean-François de Troy (1735)",Présentation de l'oeuvre par Nicole Garnier, conservateur général du patrimoine
Portail pédagogique: CRDP/Domaine de Chantilly (2011) [video] [accompanying pdf.]

Friday, 26 December 2014

Marie-Antoinette's "bol-sein"

In August Kate Moss celebrated her 40th birthday in suitably newsworthy fashion with a champagne coupe modelled on her left breast, after the so-called bol-sein of the "fun-loving" Marie-Antoinette.

The 18th-century bol-sein referred to was not in fact a champagne glass but a milk cup, part of a service in porcelain commissioned from the designer Jean-Jacques Langrenée at the Manufacture Royale de Sèvres in 1787 for Marie-Antoinette's "pleasure dairy" at Rambouillet.  The service was "Etruscan" in style and the concept loosely based on Greek "mastos" cups.  A deep, milky white porcelain bowl was set in a footed stand in the shape of goat's heads, finished at the bottom with a mound of clay in the unmistakable shape of a human nipple. The emphasis is on natural fecundity rather than sexual titillation - and the effect is to say the least disturbing.

 Porcelain bowl in the shape of a woman's breast on a stand with goat's heads
("tétons avec ses pieds à têtes de chèvre")
There were originally four bowls; two are now in the  in the Musée National de Céramique, Sèvres and a third in the Museo Duca di Martina, Naples. 

The cultural significance of 18th-century French porcelain has lately become the subject of a splendid book, Christine A. Jones's Shapely bodies (2013).  This is what she has to say about the piece:

Marie-Antoinette's milk mug became known, bluntly, as a bol-sein, or breast cup. Tinted glazes of flesh and rose, like the heat of Boucher's brush on Madame de Pompadour's cheeks, do the work of the imagination to give the breast a warm-blooded glow  The drinking vessel reposes on the head of reverential goats molded into a tripod whose accents pick up the nipple's hue.  Echoing in miniature the idealism of a royal pleasure dairy, the cup served fresh cow milk as though directly from an organic source.  Both site and vessel exposed what court fashion removed from view: the laiterie d'agrément purported to unveil the labor behind the nourishment that aristocrats took for granted, whilst the breast cup revealed one of the body's biological functions in a material typically reserved for more dignified subject matter. (p.238-9)

The bowl no doubt expressed Marie-Antoinette's innocent delight in a sanitized nature and "mediated sensuality", but in hindsight its smacks of a tasteless and  irresponsible intimacy.  The rumour that she had actually modelled for the piece à la Moss, though baseless, was a longstanding one. As Christine Jones writes, "No one would have convinced the populace that Marie-Antoinette had stood naked for a marble cutter, silversmith, or even a reputable painter.  But history voyeuristically adored the idea of the queen placing her bosom in the plastered hands of a porcelainier" (p.239) One thinks of all those pornographic libelles which so damaged the royal reputation.....

Kate Moss is only the latest in a line of would-be imitators, starting with the Empress Josephine. Lately the Sèvres bowl has spawned a whole series of (even more unpleasant) "design classics":

Assemblage created in 2007 by the German designer Karl Langerfeld for the release of Dom Pérignon's 1992 vintage Oenothèque champagne.  Modelled on the left breast of Claudia Schiffer.

 Antoine Boudin,"Sen" service - ceramics designed for the Sèvres factory inspired by the bol-de-sein (2011)
And wandering into the realms of haute couture: Hubert Barrère La Vierge de Sèvres (2011)


Vogue online, 23/08/2014

"Bosoms, Bubbles, and Bollinger: What Shape Is Your Champagne Glass?" Letting the wine speak

Christine A. Jones, Shapely bodies: the image of porcelain in eighteenth-century France (2013) [Extracts on Google Books]

Selma Schwarz, "The "Etruscan" style at Sèvres: a bowl from Marie-Antoinette's dairy at Rambouillet" Metropolitan Museum Journal, vol. 37 (2002)

Notice for a modern version, on the Sèvres "gallerie" site.

Wednesday, 24 December 2014

A Sans-culotte Christmas

Légendes de Noël 

Another Christmas and another story translated from G. Lenotre.

In this tale, "Le petit Noël de quatre sans-culottes", four French Revolutionary soldiers find themselves, somewhat improbably, in Bethlehem on Christmas night.

Illustrations are  by Paul Thiriat from the 1911 edition of the Légendes de Noël which is available on Gallica.

There were four of them!  Four from the “Faubourg Antoine”, that volcano, now extinguished, which formerly, at almost regular intervals, spewed onto Paris torrents of revolutionary lava.
One morning in August 1792 they had followed the crowd to the Tuileries;  they had enjoyed themselves at the sack of the palace; they had  stabbed the mattresses of “le gros Capet” with their pikes; fired at the gods enthroned in Olympia on the painted ceilings; broken a few mirrors; and, like children, had  shaken the eiderdowns of the palace through the high windows of the gallery of Diana, to “make it snow”.

They cared little for politics, but this had not stopped them a few days later, in September, from being there at the prison massacres; not that they had killed anyone but  just “watched”, onlookers filled with joy at the novelty of the spectacle.  Then,  to the sound of drums and the canons on the Pont-Neuf,  they had  joined the  volunteer batallions and marched off, still singing, laughing and joking, to the Army of Champagne.   There they had been with the corps of the traitor Dumouriez, sleeping during the day, marching at night, without discipline, good soldiers only in battle.
The chance fortune that had brought them together persisted; together they had joined  the Army of the Alps and were part of the legendary bands that were  unleashed  by the “little Corsican” on Lombardy;  having left barefoot, thin and impoverished, they had returned from the campaign well shod, fat and comfortably off.  No-one knew better than they did how to take advantage of circumstances and profit from windfalls; they were nicknamed the “Parigots”.  They had long since forgotten the names that their parents had given them and adopted ones suited to the times: the first called himself “Nonidi”, the second “Décius”, the third “Tournesol” and  the last “Pimprenelle”, all names taken from the Revolutionary calendar.

Their moral philosophy needs only brief analysis:  they had for their only rule of conduct the desire to live as well as possible; they were wary of their superiors, detested aristocrats and rich people, despised superstition and priests.  In the villages where they made camp, they were the first into the churches; they forced the doors, made soup spoons from the wood of the confessionals, lit their pipes from the sanctuary candles.  They drank the communion wine, used the altar cloths as napkins, all exploits which earned them the reputation of freethinkers and “philosophers”.  For the rest, they went with the flow, were “bons garçons”, sometimes bandits, sometimes heroes.  In sum, they were true sons of the Parisian faubourgs, let loose as conquerors upon the world.

In this year, 1799, having crossed the seas, taken part in the conquest of Egypt, defeated the “Bedouins”, written their names on the Pyramids, Nonidi, Décius, Tournesol and Pimprenelle were part of the force which, following the siege of Acre, occupied Palestine and imposed levies on the Jews of Jerusalem, Jaffa and Gaza.

For several days the half-brigade of which the four "Parigots" were the crowning glory, had been camped under the walls of the Holy City.  They operated patrols in the surrounded area to ensure the security of the payment collectors.  At the approach of the French, pilgrims had left the holy places; the Catholic and Orthodox churches were abandoned; even the Turks had deserted their mosques; there remained in Palestine only the Jews who, after several shows of resistance, had been roundly beaten and  were now behaving towards our soldiers with exemplary courtesy.

On the evening of the 24th December Nonidi, who was the sergeant, and his three companions found themselves on patrol in the countryside.  The air was warm, the night dark; the four men were seating in a low-lying area, a desert of pebbles and asphodels, bounded by twin hills whose summits were lost in the black sky. At this melancholy, but often peaceful hour, nothing was to be heard but the croak of frogs in the abandoned cisterns.  Décius was asleep; Tournesol whistling  “La Carmagnole”, Primprenelle eating, Nonidi doing nothing at all.

They had been there for an hour when, above the hill which closed the ravine, a point of light appeared shining in the night sky.  At first an indistinct glow, it gradually became clearer.  It moved across the sky with a slow regular motion.

- What is that? muttered the sergeant in a low voice.

The point of light grew larger now, shining in the pure air; it seemed as if it was a star descending on the sleeping valley.

- It is a marsh fire, said Tournesol; I have seen the same thing in the marshes around the Bièvre.

- A marsh fire at that height, is impossible! replied Pimprenelle.  Décius, awaking, sat up and looked up with a terrified expression.

- Oh! said-he, it is the Star!

- The Star?

- Yes, he said, lowering his voice, but without taking his eyes off the light; yes, it happened in this country; they used to tell me the story…..

- Are you finished?

- Eh! You know very well, the miraculous star that led the shepherds to the Crib….it is Christmas Night…it is the Star, I am telling you, the Star!

- Fool!  muttered Pimprenelle.

The others, slightly disconcerted, did not mock.

- We will soon see, said the sergeant.  Let's take our guns and knapsacks and walk out to it; don't make a noise.  Not a sound. Off we go.

The four men gathered their equipment and made their way to the back of the ravine.  The star now came down towards them at an angle and began to go in front of them.  Nonidi led the little troop, keen to solve the puzzle;  Tournesol and Pimprenelle followed him cheerfully enough; Décius came last, without enthusiasm and muttering:

- It’s the Star…for sure. It’s the Star. The sergeant suddenly stopped.

- Imbecile, he said in a low voice.  Look at your star…it is a citizen with a lantern! Where on earth is he going?

Feeling the ironic looks of his companions, Décius took up his rifle:

- He is going to pay for the fright he has given me.

The sergeant stopped him with a wave.

- Don’t do anything stupid for a moment.  We should find out what has brought this man here.  Let's follow him….but quietly.

"Look at your star...It is only a citizen carrying a lantern"
The star came out onto the plain;  there  the shadows were less dense and the four soldiers could see, profiled against the red of the dawn sky, the man who was carrying the lantern; they could see his silhouette in a long robe; he was wearing on his head the pointed bonnet of the Armenians.  He entered a field of olive trees, divided by little dry stone walls, then turned onto a stone path and immediately disappeared into the shadows.  Nonidi and his men, guided by the light from the lantern,  quickened their pace.  They found themselves in the road of an abandoned village; the great square shapes of the deserted houses loomed; no light shone through the closed windows; no noise troubled the silence.

The Armenian pushed open a door which closed behind him;  the four Frenchmen stopped; with their faces up close to the slots in the door, they looked in; the man had entered a vast church, splendid and deserted;  his lantern projected a strange wild glow onto golden mosaics, broken and blackened; four rows of slim columns held up the roof, which in places was open to the sky.  The Armenian put down the lantern and prostrated himself in the middle of the empty temple.

- I don’t like the look of that citizen, said the sergeant.   It seems to me that the moment has come….ready your arms boys, and let me do what needs to be done.

Then, pushing open the door in his turn, he entered the church, followed by his comrades. The man did not move at the noise; he remained prostrate, with his forehead on the tiles.  Nonidi walked up to him, and put a hand on his back:

- You shouldn’t go to sleep there, boy….the place is dirty. 

The Armenian raised his head;  it was an old man with a grey beard. He stared in astonishment at the soldiers that surrounded him.

-       I am praying, he said in French.

There was a silence.  Nonidi seemed a little taken aback.

-       Obviously that is permitted, he replied stroking his moustache, but all the same it is suspicious.  What is this place called?

- It is the Church of the Nativity.

The soldiers looked at each other; the words meant nothing to them.

- And the name of this village?

- Bethlehem

There was such a magic about this name that the four soldiers shivered:  Décius, instinctively, took off his hat.   This movement of emotion did not escape the pilgrim.  He got up and took his lantern.

- Come, he said.

The five of them crossed the church;  the Armenian went first, murmuring prayers, the soldiers followed, proceeding with caution, caught in a sort of reverence.  They descended a flight of dusty and echoing stone steps; at the foot was a narrow archway of white marble.  This entrance, which had no door, gave access to a vast grotto made up of small compartments and narrow corridors, encumbered by the debris of altars and fragments of marble; the  black bedrock, seeping with moisture,  formed the vault.

The Armenian was unconcerned about showing respect and had no fear of these “unbelievers” for whom he acted as guide; he waved his lantern and explained: Here is the Crib where the Infant was lain; here the Virgin was delivered; here they tethered the ox and ass; here the Wise Men knelt.  And the four soldiers, their heads uncovered, curious at first, then moved, stood in reverie before these things which awoke in their hearts forgotten memories of a long past childhood,  the stories that their mothers had told them long ago; and they were astonished to find themselves in this august place, forever held sacred, this grotto more famous than the proudest palace, whose only glory came from having provided shelter, for a few hours, to the most poor of children.

The pilgrim explained  how, for centuries, day and night, the faithful had crowded into this underground space; a thousand candles had illuminated it; the kings of all the earth had adorned it with marvels; then the war had come, the French had invaded the country and the holy places had been deserted; he, the only believer among heretics, had not wished that on this Christmas night the site of the Nativity should be without worshippers.  So saying, he went down on his knees, and without paying any more attention to his companions, began to pray.

It did not occur to Nonidi, Décius, Tournesol and Pimprenelle to leave.  They were seized by an emotion which was impossible to resist and yet so sweet…This place where, for seventeen centuries, the multitudes had crowded, where so many hearts had melted in prayer, this sacred place held them in a vague, tender and peaceful spell.  The sergeant did not try to hide the tears which fell slowly from his eyes; his companions surprised him staring at the Crib and murmuring, looking at the crib;

The poor little one!

The prayer which thus escaped from his heart was a bit vulgar and idolatrous.  But it conformed so well to his nature that it must have reached  heaven as surely  as did the most magnificent hymns.

Such was the strange night passed by these four men, whom circumstances had hardened and whose coldness now melted like April snow in the warm sun.

To be sure they were not animated by the fervour of the first Christians, still less by the enlightened faith which gives birth to strong convictions; no, the simple piety of the past which slumbers in every French soul, merely re-awoke a little in theirs;  they thought of the festivals of their childhood; snatches of forgotten hymns came to mind; they saw themselves once more in their local church; the beautiful processions of the past passed before their eyes; the cross-bearers, the banners, the girls in white veils, the guards formed in line, the soldiers kneeling in circles before the portable altar, whilst the drums rolled and flowers covered the pavements…..

They thought of the cardboard rocks and the sheep in the old Christmas cribs of their parish;  things that they had laughed at since; and again they returned to the grey stone where the Armenian was prostrated in prayer and they said to themselves:

- Can it be true?  That it was here, on this very spot,  that the infant, who is adored everywhere, gave his first cry;  here that he he came so that anger should melt away and proud hearts be humiliated...

When they returned at dawn along the road through the village, they marched in silence, their heads bowed, their hearts filled with new emotions, and they dared not speak for fear that they would not recognise themselves.

I do not know what became of Décius and Pimprenelle.  Nonidi continued his military career;  his name - his true name - is that of one of the officers whom Napoleon promoted to general after the battle of Iéna.  As for Tournesol, having returned to France and been given his discharge, he entered holy orders.  It was he, we think, who in 1834, as vicaire of the parish of the Assumption, pronounced the "Miserere" over the coffin of Lafayette.

Monday, 22 December 2014

Robert Darnton on popular song

Robert Darnton, Carl H. Pforzheimer Professor and director of the University Library at Harvard, is social historian of the Enlightenment and expert on "information societies" both old and new.  One of his many interests is popular song. Some recordings of songs first appeared in his "Early Information Society" project, an early venture into digital history by the AHR in 2000 now, alas, disappeared from the web. (Regrettable not only for the songs, but its cool map of Parisian cafés featured in 18th-century police reports).  Material about the songs, however, has been reworked in various contexts, lately in Darnton's 2012 book Poetry and the police.

For those who want to hear the music, Professor Darnton has given a number of public lectures - what he has coined his "Cabaret lectures" - with accompanying songs performed by French mezzo-soprano Hélène Delavault. Here is a short clip from Harvard, uploaded in 2009.


You can hear the full version of a lecture here:

Complete podcast of the Cabaret Lecture delivered at the Chicago Humanities Festival in 2008

Some of the songs can also be found online at:

"An Electronic Cabaret: Paris Street Songs, 1748–50", A supplement to Poetry and the Police: Communication Networks in Eighteenth-Century Paris by Robert Darnton
Performed by Hélène Delavault and Claude Pavy (in 2010)  on the Harvard University Press website.

Hum.  No wonder the French revolted......

On: Poetry and the police (2012)

Poetry and the Police: : Communication Networks in Eighteenth-Century Paris (Harvard University Press, 2012)

"In spring 1749, François Bonis, a medical student in Paris, found himself unexpectedly hauled off to the Bastille for distributing an “abominable poem about the king.” So began the Affair of the Fourteen, a police crackdown on ordinary citizens for unauthorized poetry recitals. Why was the official response to these poems so intense?

 Robert Darnton follows the poems as they passed through several media: copied on scraps of paper, dictated from one person to another, memorized and declaimed to an audience. But the most effective dispersal occurred through music, when poems were sung to familiar tunes. Lyrics often referred to current events or revealed popular attitudes toward the royal court. The songs provided a running commentary on public affairs.  Darnton traces how the lyrics fit into song cycles that carried messages through the streets of Paris during a period of rising discontent. He uncovers a complex communication network, illuminating the way information circulated in a semi-literate society."

See also: Robert Darnton - "Poetry and the Police: : Communication Networks in Eighteenth-Century Paris"  Lecture for the launch of the new book, delivered in Harvard Bookstore in Sept 2012

Sunday, 21 December 2014

Letter of the abbé Raynal to the Assembly

I had the fortitude long ago to talk to kings of their duty: allow me now to talk to the people of their errors.....

On 31st May 1791 the National Assembly was read a sharply critical open letter by the abbé Guillaume-Thomas Raynal, anti-colonialist, friend of Diderot and now solitary survivor of a previous generation of thinkers.

Up to this point Raynal had been lauded by the Revolutionaries. In 1789 he had been elected by Marseille to the Estates-General though refusing to sit on grounds old age.    Brissot's colleague Louis-Pierre Manuel identified him, with Rousseau, as one of the "fathers of the Revolution" whilst a pamphlet published in the summer of 1789 presents a dialogue between Linguet and Raynal, in which "Raynal" articulates the case against royal absolutism. The Parlement of Paris's various pre-1789 edicts suppressing his Histoire philosophiques des Deux Indes were annulled on 15 August 1790 as a result of which the King found himself obliged to rescind a royal prohibition of nearly twenty years.

Two previous letters by Raynal, one written as early as December 1789 - a "perfidious diatribe" said Brissot -  had been largely ignored and convenient doubts cast over their authorship. But this time the  Raynal himself, aged 78 and visiting Paris after long absence, submitted his new letter to the Assembly in person two days prior to publication. The proposed reading was greeted with cries of "yes, yes" from the assembled deputies. They were soon to be pulled up short by the criticism offered them.

 A full translation of the letter is given below. Raynal had welcomed the liberal achievements of 1789-90: the Declaration of the Rights of Man; toleration; the dismantling of privilege, but now sought to safeguard royal prerogative and the sovereignty of the Assembly. He begins by firmly repudiating the idea that the Revolution was the logical outcome of Enlightenment thought: he is appalled that by defending liberty against arbitrary power he may have given rise to licence.  The philosophes never had to apply their notions to practical politics: "We never held up the bold conceptions of philosophy as rigorous rules to direct the acts of the legislature; neither can you, attribute to any error on our part, what has resulted from a false interpretation of our principles." 

He condemns what he sees as a drift to anarchy and   infraction of individual liberty, in particular the usurpation of legitimate authority by the clubs "where coarse and ignorant men presume to decide on all political questions."  He censures Marat and his like who have taken advantage of  a free press to subvert popular morality; they are like a volcano spewing lava which may destroy the whole nation;  the people, says Raynal presciently,  "laugh and dance over the ruins of their own morality, on the very brink of the abyss in which their hopes may soon be swallowed up"

In his studies of Revolutionary ideas Jonathan Israel identifies the reading of Raynal's letter as "one of the supreme moments of the philosophical drama infusing and shaping the Revolution" (Democratic Revolution, p.935).  It came at a critical point in the crystallisation of factions within the Assembly and cut across the attempt of the deputies to define their intellectual antecedents.  On the eve of the reading Voltaire's ashes had been transferred to the Pantheon.  Now Raynal articulated clearly the  gulf between the aspirations of the Enlightenment - civil liberty, toleration, the dismantling of privilege - and the emergent programme of the Left.  Amid the general uproar, Robespierre attempted  damage limitation, stepping in rapidly to beg indulgence for Raynal on grounds of age, and referring him to the judgment of "public opinion". But he was unable to halt the wave of controversy which followed, and was further fulled by the publication of the letter on 10th December. The Left wing press reacted with hurt indignation and genuine incomprehension. The letter had "provoked the astonishment of those who honoured Raynal as a defender of liberty, those who cherished Raynal as their friend, a champion whom the people revered and tyrants feared (Goujon, Lettre à l’Assemblée nationale, 1791). Raynal was accused of being manipulated by the "aristocratic" faction; Sainte-Beuve, with some justification, identified the political agenda of Raynal's associates, the moderates Clermont-Tonnerre and Pierre Malhouet. Likewise in a letter published in the Moniteur on 5th June) André Chénier expressed his profound disillusionment and sense of betrayal.

Here is the text in English, in a translation first published in 1791:

Letter of the abbé Raynal to the Legislative Assembly,  Dated 10 December 1790, Read to the Assembly on 31st May 1791 

I RETURNED  to this capital, after a long absence, with my heart and my attention attached to you; and you would now see me at the feet of your august assembly, if my age and infirmities would permit me; if I could speak to you without being too much affected by the great things which you have achieved, and those which still remain for you to achieve, before you can establish, in this agitated country, the peace, the liberty, and the happiness, which you hope to procure for us.

Do not imagine, Gentlemen, that I am one of those who are insensible to the indefatigable zeal, the talents, the knowledge, and the courage which you have displayed in the course of your immense labours: but a sufficient number of pens have been already employed on this subject, and your title to the esteem of the nation has been sufficiently impressed upon men's minds. As for me, whether I am considered in the light of a citizen using a citizen's right of petitioning, or whether, giving free scope to my gratitude, you will permit an old friend of liberty to make the return due to you for the protection with which he has been honoured, I entreat you not to reject important truths. I had the fortitude long ago to talk to kings of their duty; allow me now to talk to the people of their errors; and to the people's representatives of the danger with which all are threatened.

I am deeply concerned, and I avow my concern to you, at the disorders and the crimes which have spread affliction over this empire. Alas! is it then possible that I must reflect with horror upon my having been one of thosei who, by shewing a generous indignation against arbitrary power, have perhaps furnished arms to the hand of licentiousness? and shall religion, law, royal authority, and public order, call upon philosophy and reason to restore the bonds which united them to the great society of the French nation - as if our efforts to reform abuses, and restore the rights of the people, and the duty of the prince, had broken these bonds of union?  No, they were never broken by us: we never held up the bold conceptions of philosophy as rigorous rules to direct the acts of the legislature; neither can you, attribute to any error on our part, what has resulted from a false interpretation of our principles. And yet, ready as I now am to descend into the darkness of the tomb, and to quit this immense family, whose welfare I have so ardently desired, with what do I see myself surrounded?  With religious troubles, civil dissensions; contentions in some, audacity and fury in others; a government enslaved by popular tyranny; the sanctuary of the law environed by turbulent men, who now dictate to , and now brave, legislation; soldiers without discipline; chiefs without authority; ministers without means, a king, the first friend of his people plunged into the bitterness of anguish; outraged, menaced, striped of all authority; and the public power existing only in clubs, where coarse and ignorant men presume to decide on all political questions.

Such, Gentlemen, be assured of it, such is the true situation of France;and I am perhaps the only man who would dare to tell you the unwelcome truth: but I dare, because I feel it to be my duty; because I verge upon my eightieth year; because I shall never be accused of regretting the ancient system; because the sighs I breath for the desolation of the Gallic church, will never be supposed to come from the heart of a fanatical priest; because, while I regard the re-establishment of legal authority as ourr only means of salvation, I shall never be thought the partisan of despotism - never be thought to crouch and expect favours from it; and because, when I arraign before you those writers who have set the kingdom in a flame and perverted the minds of the People, I shall never be accused as not knowing the value of the liberty of the press.

Alas! I was full of hope and joy When I beheld you laying the foundation of public felicity, pursuing all abuses - proclaiming all our rights and subjecting to the same laws, to one uniform system, all the different parts of this empire. My eyes were  filled with tears when I perceived the vilest and most profligate men employed as instruments of an expedient revolution; when I saw the holy affection of patriotism prostituted to iniquity, and Licentiousness marching in triumph under the ensigns of liberty. Terror was mingled with my just concern, when I found all the springs which constitute the grand machine of government broken and shivered; and impotent barriers substituted for the necessity of an active and restraining force.

Every where have I sought for the traces of that central authority which a great nation deposits in the hands of the monarch for its own security; but no where is, any part of that authority to be found. I have sought for the principles that protect all kinds of property, and I have seen no shadow of them anywhere. I have sought to discover under what habit reposes personal security, the liberty of the individual; I have only seen the still increasing audacity of the multitude, expecting, demanding the signal of destruction, which the factious are ready to give and the lovers of innovation, no less dangerous than the factious.

I have attended, Gentlemen, to those insidious voices which inspire false apprehensions in order to draw your attention from real danger; and whose endeavour is, by instilling the most fatal suspicions, to make you pull down, one after another, every pillar of monarchical government.

Above all I have trembled when, observing in their regenerated life this people that desire to be free, I have seen them not only disregard the social virtues, humanity and justice, the only basis of true liberty, but even receive with avidity new buds of corruption, and suffer new causes of slavery to spring up around them.

Oh, Oh, Gentlemen, what concern dol feel at seeing in the midst of the capital, in the very focal point of all knowledge, a seduced people receiving the most criminal proposals with ferocious joy; smiling at accounts of assassination; singing songs of triumph for their crimes as for so many victories; stupidly provoking enemies to the revolution ; sullying it by their complaisance; shutting 'heir eyes to all the evils with which it is replete. For they know not, unhappy peoplel they know not that in one single crime lie hidden the feeds of infinite calamities; they laugh and dance over the ruins of their own morality, on the very brink of the abyss in which their hopes may soon be swallowed up.  Such a spectacle of joy excites my deepest emotion.

Your indifference, Gentlemen, to this horrid perversion of the public mind, is the first, perhaps the only, cause of that change of sentiments which has taken place with respect to you; and which has made the pure homage paid to your first labours give way to the adulations of corruption, and to murmurs stifled only by fear.

But with whatever fortitude the approach of my last hour may inspire me; whatever duty may be imposed upon me by that love of liberty which I avowed before you existed; I still experience, while addressing you, a degree of respect, a kind of awe, of which no man can divest himself when holding an immediate intercourse with the representatives of a great people.

Ought I to conclude here? or shall I proceed, and speak to you as posterity will speak of you?  Yes, Gentlemen, I believe you worthy of being addressed in such a style.

I have meditated all my life on those ideas which you adopted in the regeneration of the kingdom.  I reflected upon them at a time when, opposed by all the social institutions, by all the interest and by all the prejudices of my country my system appeared to me under the seducing form of a harbour where alone I could find consolation. I was not then called upon by any motivelto weigh the difficulty of reducing it to practice; or the dreadful inconveniencies attached to such abstractions, when invested with that power necessary to command both men and things; and when the passions of men, and the resistance of things, are the elements which it is necessary to combine.

Those consequences which it was neither necessary or possible that I should foresee, under the circumstances .and at the time in which I wrote, the circumstances and the time in which you acted commanded you to consider and provide for; and this I think it my duty to say you have not sufficiently done.

By this single but continual fault, you have vitiated all your labours; and have reduced yourselves to such a situation, that inevitable ruin can perhaps only be prevented by returning through the same paths by which you have advanced, or at least by advising such a retrograde course to your successors.

Are you afraid, Gentlemen, of drawing upon yourselves alone all that hate which is now directed against the altar of liberty? Such an heroic sacrifice, believe me, would not be less grateful to your minds, from the recollection that it might have been avoided.

How exalted are those men, who, leaving their country to enjoy all the good they can procure it, take and assert to themselves alone the reproaches merited for real serious evils, but for which evils they have only circumstances to accuse! I believe you worthy, Gentlemen, of this honourable fate; and the belief that you are so, induces me without reserve to bring before you in review, the defects which you have mixed in the French constitution.

Called upon to be the regenerators of France, you should have considered what parts of the ancient system could be usefully preserved; and moreparticularly what parts ought on no terms to be abandoned.

France was a monarchy. Its extent, its wants, its manners, and its national spirit, were so many invincible obstacles which must for ever prevent the admission of the republican form of government, without a total dissolution of the state.

The monarchical power was become vitiated from two causes: the one was, its basis being surrounded with prejudices; and the other, its limits being only marked by partial resistance.

To purify the principles of this power by establishing the throne on its proper foundation, the sovereignty of the people; and to fix the bounds of its authority, by placing them in the national representation; was the task you had to perform; and you believe that you have accomplished it.

The energy and the continuance of the constitution depend on the equilibrium of these two powers;  in the organization of them, you should have guarded against the bent of popular opinions; you ought not to have been influenced by the prevail:ing opinion, that the power of the Monarch should be repressed, and the rights of the people extended. By weakening, in a disproportionate degree, that which tends to annihilation; and strengthening, beyond due measure, that which will naturally increase, you must expect to experience the dreadful result of a king without authority and a people without a curb.

In suffering yourselves to be led astray, by wild opinions, you have favoured the influence of the populace, and multiplied, to infinitude, the number of popular elections. Have you forgot, Gentlemen, that the Frequency of elections and
the short continuance of power in the hands of the same men, must relax the springs of government? Have you forgot that the force of government ought to be in proportion to the number of those whom it has to quiet and protect?

You have preserved the name of king: but, in the constitution you have framed, a king is not only useless, but dangerous; for you have reduced his influence to the share he can obtain by corruption. You have, as it were, invited him to contend with a constitution, which continually reminds him of what he is not and of what he may be.

This, Gentlemen, is a vice inherent in your constitution: a vice which must speedily destroy the whole system, if you and your successors do not hasten to extirpate it.

I shall not say any thing to you concerning those faults i the new establishment, which may result from accidental circumstances; you must yourselves discover them.  but why will you suffer an evil to exist which may destroy you?  Why, after proclaiming universal liberty of conscience, will you permit the priests to be overwhelmed with persecutions, because they will not obey your religious opinions?

How can you allow, after consecrating the principles of personal liberty, an inquisition to exist within you bosom which serves as a model and a pretext for all the inferior inquisitions, which a factious inquietude has disseminated through every part of the empire?

How can you remain unalarmed at the audacity and the success of those writers who profane the name of patriotism; who, more powerful than your own decrees, destroy

continually what you have erected?  You are desirous of having a monarchical government; these writers are unremittedly employed in rendering it odious: you seek to establish the liberty of the people; they aim at making them the most ferocious tyrants; you endeavour to regenerate public manners; they proclaim the triumph of vice, and impunity to the blackest offences.

I shallI shall not say any thing, Gentlemen, concerning your plan of finance. God forbid that I should augment the inquietudes, or diminish the hopes of the nation: the public fortune is entirely in your hands ; but be assured that there will be neither taxes, credit, certain receipts,
or a fixed expenditure, where the government is not powerful or respectable.

But what form of government could bear up against the new domination of clubs ? You have destroyed all the corporations; and these most colossean and most formidable of all aggregations are towering above your heads, and destroying all power but their own.

All France is, at this time, divided into two classes. The good men, the men of moderation, are dispersed, mute, petrified with consternation; while men of violent spirits rush into close contact, electrify each other, and form those tremendous volcanos which vomit so much flaming lava.

You have made a declaration of rights; and that declaration, defective if you meant to reconcile it with  metaphyfical abstractions, has diffused the seeds of anarchy throughout the French empire.

Hesitating perpetually between the principles, which a false shame will not allow you to modify, and the circumstances which force exceptions from you, you always do too little for public utility, and too much according to your own doctrine. You are frequently inconsequential and impolitic, when you endeavour most to be neither the one or the other. Thus, though you have perpetuated the slavery of the blacks, your decision, respecting the people of colour, has given an alarm to commerce, and endangered your colonies.

Believe it, Gentlemen, none of these observations escape the friends of liberty. They demand back from you the depofit of the public opinion, of which you are onlythe organs ; organs that have no longer their true character.

Europe regards you with astonishment. Europe, which may be shaken to its foundations, by the propagation of your principles, is indignant at their extravagance. The silence of her Princes may be the silence of fear; but aspire not, Gentlemen, at the fatal honour of rendering yourselves formidable, by immoderate innovations, as dangerous to you as to your neighbours. Consult once more the annals of the world: call to your assistance the wisdom of former ages, and see how many empires have perished by anarchy: it is time to put an end to that anarchy which is desolating our country: to stop the career of vengeance, seditions, and insurrections; and to restor us to peace and confidence.

You have but one way of attaining this salutary end: revise your decrees; reunite, and by that means, retore the powers enfeebled by disjunction; confide to the king all the force, necessary for ensuring the power of the laws; and above all, protect the liberty of the primary assemblies, from whence faction has driven all wise and virtuous citizens.

Do not imagine, Gentlemen, that the re-establishment of the executive power can be the work of your successors: no, they will come to the assembly, with less strength than you possess; and they will have to subdue that popular opinion, which you have established. It is therefore you, Gentlemen, who must re-create what you have yourselves destroyed; or suffered others to destroy.

You have established the basis of liberty, as it is established in every rational constitution, by ensuring to the people the right of making laws, and of levying taxes; but anarchy will soon overwhelm these eminent rights, if you do not place them under the protection of an active and vigorous government; and despotism awaits us, if you renounce for ever the tutelar protection of royal authority.

I have collected all my strength, Gentlemen, to speak to you in the austere language of truth. Pardon, as the effect of my zeal and my patriotism, whatever may appear too free in my remonstrances; and be sassured of my ardent wishes for your glory, as well as of my profound respect.




Jonathan I. Israel, Democratic Enlightenment: philosophy, revolution, and human rights, 1750-1790, O.U.P. (2011), p.934-6

________, Revolutionary ideas: an intellectual history of the French Revolution from 'The Rights of Man' to Robespierre' Princeton University Press (2014), p.157-8.
Stanley Loomis, Paris in the Terror, July 1793-July 1794, Jonathan Cape (1964), p.63-5.

Tricentenaire de la naissance de l'Abbé Raynal 12 avril 1713 - 6 mars 1796, Assemblée nationale official website

For  the original French text  of the open letter:
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